800 resultados para Political accommodation
Resumo:
This article investigates the role of history and historical consciousness in deeply divided societies. It looks at the case of Northern Ireland. It argues that, while the conflict here is caused by contemporary divisions, perceptions of the past have had considerable influence. Recent years have seen efforts to change historical attitudes and this has aided political accommodation. An important lesson from the conflict in Northern Ireland points to the need to challenge such historical perceptions.
Resumo:
Although forgiveness is often taken to bear a close connection to the value
of reconciliation, there is a good deal of scepticism about its role in situations where there is no consensus on the moral complexion of the past and no admission of guilt on the part of the perpetrator. This scepticism is typically rooted in the claims that forgiveness without perpetrator acknowledgement (1) aggravates the risk of recidivism; (2) yields a substandard and morally compromised form of political accommodation; and (3) comes across as patronizing and offensive to the recipient, thereby causing further alienation. In this article, my aim is to show, firstly, that none of these arguments is decisive and, secondly, that forgiveness is a suitable object of political concern in the
absence of cross-community consensus on the rights and wrongs of a conflict. In this way, I aim to demonstrate that forgiveness deserves to be taken seriously as a means to civic reconciliation in a broader range of situations than many have allowed.
Resumo:
S’il est généralement reconnu que le processus d’institutionnalisation de l’Église s’est accéléré au IVe siècle, certaines de ses étapes nous sont moins connues. Ce mémoire cherche à évaluer l’importance de Jean Chrysostome dans l’émergence de la primauté d’honneur de Constantinople. Après une étude attentive du troisième canon du concile de Constantinople I mise en relation avec l’opinion de trois auteurs contemporains, c’est-à-dire Palladius d’Hélénopolis, Socrate de Constantinople et Sozomène, il ressort de ce travail que l’épiscopat de Jean Chrysostome a favorisé l’implantation de cette prééminence dans l’Église. L’analyse des modalités de la primauté d’honneur de Constantinople montre bien qu’historiquement, les évêques de l’ancienne et de la nouvelle Rome n’ont pas construit leur primat à l’aide des mêmes arguments. L’explicitation de ces éléments ne se veut pas une prise de position dans les débats oecuméniques actuels, mais plutôt un préliminaire permettant une meilleure compréhension des données du problème.
Resumo:
The Bush administration's continuing emphasis on US military deterrence of the PRC on behalf of Taiwan threatens to undermine the posture of 'strategic ambiguity' that the United States has proclaimed since 1979. This article argues for the retention of 'strategic ambiguity' and traces the origins of revisionist sentiment towards this effective conflict avoidance mechanism to reactions within the US foreign policy community to the 1995-96 Taiwan Strait crisis. Case studies of this crisis and its predecessors in 1954-55 and 1958 demonstrate that US military deterrence was not a decisive factor in their resolution. US and PRC initiatives and responses in the 1950s crises introduced the essential elements of 'strategic ambiguity' into the triangular relationship between themselves and Taiwan. In particular, they established a precedent for the United States and the PRC in circumscribing the issue of Taiwan so as to achieve a political accommodation.
Resumo:
Purpose This thesis is about liveability, place and ageing in the high density urban landscape of Brisbane, Australia. As with other major developed cities around the globe, Brisbane has adopted policies to increase urban residential densities to meet the main liveability and sustainability aim of decreasing car dependence and therefore pollution, as well as to minimise the loss of greenfield areas and habitats to developers. This objective hinges on urban neighbourhoods/communities being liveable places, which residents do not have to leave for everyday living. Community/neighbourhood liveability is an essential ingredient in healthy ageing in place and has a substantial impact upon the safety, independence and well-being of older adults. It is generally accepted that ageing in place is optimal for both older people and the state. The optimality of ageing in place generally assumes that there is a particular quality to environments or standard of liveability in which people successfully age in place. The aim of this thesis was to examine if there are particular environmental qualities or aspects of liveability that test optimality and to better understand the key liveability factors that contribute to successful ageing in place. Method A strength of this thesis is that it draws on two separate studies to address the research question of what makes high density liveable for older people. In Chapter 3, the two methods are identified and differentiated as Method 1 (used in Paper 1) and Method 2 (used in Papers 2, 3, 4 and 5). Method 1 involved qualitative interviews with 24 inner city high density Brisbane residents. The major strength of this thesis is the innovative methodology outlined in the thesis as Method 2. Method 2 involved a case study approach employing qualitative and quantitative methods. Qualitative data was collected using semi-structured, in-depth interviews and time-use diaries completed by participants during the week of tracking. The quantitative data was gathered using Global Positioning Systems for tracking and Geographical Information Systems for mapping and analysis of participants’ activities. The combination of quantitative and qualitative analysis captured both participants’ subjective perceptions of their neighbourhoods and their patterns of movement. This enhanced understanding of how neighbourhoods and communities function and of the various liveability dimensions that contribute to active ageing and ageing in place for older people living in high density environments. Both studies’ participants were inner-city high density residents of Brisbane. The study based on Method 1 drew on a wider age demographic than the study based on Method 2. Findings The five papers presented in this thesis by publication indicate a complex inter-relationship of the factors that make a place liveable. The first three papers identify what is comparable and different between the physical and social factors of high density communities/neighbourhoods. The last two papers explore relationships between social engagement and broader community variables such as infrastructure and the physical built environments that are risk or protective factors relevant to community liveability, active ageing and ageing in place in high density. The research highlights the importance of creating and/or maintaining a barrier-free environment and liveable community for ageing adults. Together, the papers promote liveability, social engagement and active ageing in high density neighbourhoods by identifying factors that constitute liveability and strategies that foster active ageing and ageing in place, social connections and well-being. Recommendations There is a strong need to offer more support for active ageing and ageing in place. While the data analyses of this research provide insight into the lived experience of high density residents, further research is warranted. Further qualitative and quantitative research is needed to explore in more depth, the urban experience and opinions of older people living in urban environments. In particular, more empirical research and theory-building is needed in order to expand understanding of the particular environmental qualities that enable successful ageing in place in our cities and to guide efforts aimed at meeting this objective. The results suggest that encouraging the presence of more inner city retail outlets, particularly services that are utilised frequently in people’s daily lives such as supermarkets, medical services and pharmacies, would potentially help ensure residents fully engage in their local community. The connectivity of streets, footpaths and their role in facilitating the reaching of destinations are well understood as an important dimension of liveability. To encourage uptake of sustainable transport, the built environment must provide easy, accessible connections between buildings, walkways, cycle paths and public transport nodes. Wider streets, given that they take more time to cross than narrow streets, tend to .compromise safety - especially for older people. Similarly, the width of footpaths, the level of buffering, the presence of trees, lighting, seating and design of and distance between pedestrian crossings significantly affects the pedestrian experience for older people and impacts upon their choice of transportation. High density neighbourhoods also require greater levels of street fixtures and furniture for everyday life to make places more useable and comfortable for regular use. The importance of making the public realm useful and habitable for older people cannot be over-emphasised. Originality/value While older people are attracted to high density settings, there has been little empirical evidence linking liveability satisfaction with older people’s use of urban neighbourhoods. The current study examined the relationships between community/neighbourhood liveability, place and ageing to better understand the implications for those adults who age in place. The five papers presented in this thesis add to the understanding of what high density liveable age-friendly communities/ neighbourhoods are and what makes them so for older Australians. Neighbourhood liveability for older people is about being able to age in place and remain active. Issues of ageing in Australia and other areas of the developed world will become more critical in the coming decades. Creating livable communities for all ages calls for partnerships across all levels of government agencies and among different sectors within communities. The increasing percentage of older people in the community will have increasing political influence and it will be a foolish government who ignores the needs of an older society.
Resumo:
The concept of police accountability is not susceptible to a universal or concise definition. In the context of this thesis it is treated as embracing two fundamental components. First, it entails an arrangement whereby an individual, a minority and the whole community have the opportunity to participate meaningfully in the formulation of the principles and policies governing police operations. Second, it presupposes that those who have suffered as victims of unacceptable police behaviour should have an effective remedy. These ingredients, however, cannot operate in a vacuum. They must find an accommodation with the equally vital requirement that the burden of accountability should not be so demanding that the delivery of an effective police service is fatally impaired. While much of the current debate on police accountability in Britain and the USA revolves around the issue of where the balance should be struck in this accommodation, Ireland lacks the very foundation for such a debate as it suffers from a serious deficit in research and writing on police generally. This thesis aims to fill that gap by laying the foundations for an informed debate on police accountability and related aspects of police in Ireland. Broadly speaking the thesis contains three major interrelated components. The first is concerned with the concept of police in Ireland and the legal, constitutional and political context in which it operates. This reveals that although the Garda Siochana is established as a national force the legal prescriptions concerning its role and governance are very vague. Although a similar legislative format in Britain, and elsewhere, have been interpreted as conferring operational autonomy on the police it has not stopped successive Irish governments from exercising close control over the police. The second component analyses the structure and operation of the traditional police accountability mechanisms in Ireland; namely the law and the democratic process. It concludes that some basic aspects of the peculiar legal, constitutional and political structures of policing seriously undermine their capacity to deliver effective police accountability. In the case of the law, for example, the status of, and the broad discretion vested in, each individual member of the force ensure that the traditional legal actions cannot always provide redress where individuals or collective groups feel victimised. In the case of the democratic process the integration of the police into the excessively centralised system of executive government, coupled with the refusal of the Minister for Justice to accept responsibility for operational matters, project a barrier between the police and their accountability to the public. The third component details proposals on how the current structures of police accountability in Ireland can be strengthened without interfering with the fundamentals of the law, the democratic process or the legal and constitutional status of the police. The key elements in these proposals are the establishment of an independent administrative procedure for handling citizen complaints against the police and the establishment of a network of local police-community liaison councils throughout the country coupled with a centralised parliamentary committee on the police. While these proposals are analysed from the perspective of maximising the degree of police accountability to the public they also take into account the need to ensure that the police capacity to deliver an effective police service is not unduly impaired as a result.
Resumo:
This article examines the difficulties of finding local solutions to the problem of contentious events in contemporary Northern Ireland. In so doing, it offers a sociological perspective on fundamental divisions in Northern Ireland: between classes and between communities. It shows how its chosen case study—parades and associated protests in north Belfast—exemplifies the most fundamental problem that endures in post-Agreement Northern Ireland, namely that political authority is not derived from a common civic culture (as is the norm in Western liberal democracy) but rather that legitimacy is still founded on the basis of the culture of either one or the other community. Haugaard’s reflections on authority and legitimacy are used to explore Northern Ireland’s atypical experience of political conflict vis-`a-vis the Western liberal democratic model. The Bourdieusian concepts of field illusio and doxa help to explain why it is that parading remains such an important political and symbolic touchstone in this society.
Resumo:
En 2007, le Premier ministre du Québec, monsieur Jean Charest, a établi la Commission de consultation sur les pratiques d’accommodement reliées aux différences culturelles afin de donner suite aux conflits émanant des différences ethniques et culturelles. La commission a pour mandat de dresser le bilan des pratiques d’accommodement au Québec, d’analyser la problématique, de consulter la population et de formuler des recommandations au gouvernement afin d’assurer la conformité des pratiques d’accommodement avec les valeurs de la société québécoise. En premier lieu, ce mémoire démontrera que deux facteurs, dont l’évolution de l’identité de la majorité francophone et l’évolution des pays d’origine des immigrants, ont contribué à un malaise de gestion de la diversité et, par conséquent, ont rendu l’établissement de la commission pertinent. En deuxième lieu, m’appuyant sur une revue de la méthodologie, des conclusions et des recommandations de la commission, ainsi que la réplique du Ministère de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles, je vais illustrer que, malgré un mandat pertinent et achevé, la réponse gouvernementale fut inadéquate. Finalement, je démontrerai que les modèles de gestion de diversité soutenus par le rapport de la Commission, la laïcité inclusive et l’interculturalisme, sont des aspects nécessaires de la gestion de la diversité. Cependant, ils en découlent des philosophies politiques de neutralisme et pluralisme dont la force et le compromis en sont les buts. Je crois que le Québec peut être meilleur gestionnaire de sa diversité et peut obtenir de vraies réconciliations en prônant la conversation; une approche patriotique de la gestion de diversité.
Resumo:
Deeply conflicting views on the political situation of Judaea under the Roman prefects (6-41 c.e.) have been offered. According to some scholars, this was a period of persistent political unrest and agitation, whilst according to a widespread view it was a quiescent period of political calm (reflected in Tacitus’ phrase sub Tiberio quies). The present article critically examines again the main available sources –particularly Josephus, the canonical Gospels and Tacitus– in order to offer a more reliable historical reconstruction. The conclusions drawn by this survey calls into question some widespread and insufficiently nuanced views on the period. This, in turn, allows a reflection on the non-epistemic factors which might contribute to explain the origin of such views.