953 resultados para Political Science, International Relations
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This entry discusses ‘immigration,’ which is the permanent movement of people across states, seen from the perspective of the receiving (rather than sending) states. The focus is on the relationship between immigration and states, a neglected topic in classic immigration research, but receiving more attention in recent scholarly literature. The entry discusses, in particular, some explanatory models of immigration policy and how the immigration experience has changed or reconfirmed the institution of citizenship.
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Up to January 2011 authoritarian political regimes in the Middle East had widely been considered stable due to the armed forces, the underdeveloped political institutions, the economic embeddedness of the regimes, the neo-patrimonial structure of the Arab societies and, eventually the characteristics of Islam. Middle Eastern political systems are often considered to belong to a special sub-group of non-democratic regimes called “liberalized autocracies”. The 2011 events show that there is a new, as yet non-defined political structure emerging. Although there are different interpretations of the developments, there is a consensus on the determinant role of the Islamist organizations in the development of the new political structure. The results of the Egyptian and Tunisian parliamentary elections show that the secular political parties could not attract the public, while in Tunisia the long forbidden Hizb an-Nahda could form a government. In Egypt Hizb al-Hurriya established by the Muslim Brotherhood in 2011 won almost half of the parliamentary mandates, and to a great surprise, the Salafi Hizb an-Nour also received 24.3% of the votes. On the basis of the above developments the thesis of the Islamist re-organization of the Middle East, i.e. of a new wave of Islamism was elaborated, according to which the main political winners of the revolts in the Arab countries are the Islamist organizations, which could step in and fill in the political vacuum. While some speak of an Islamist autumn or Islamist winter as the result of the Arab Spring, others prefer the term Islamic revolutions.
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In 1979 the United Nations passed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), an international bill of rights for women. Much scholarship has focused on the degree to which states have adopted these new international gender norms, but have paid little attention to the fact that norms change in the processes of implementation. This dissertation focuses on that process assessing the translation of international gender equality norm in Lebanon.^ The study traces global gender equality norms as they are translated into a complex context characterized by a political structure that divides powers according to confessional groups, a social structure that empowers men as heads of families, and a geopolitical structure that opposes a secular West to the Muslim East. Through a comparison of three campaigns – the campaign to combat violence against women, the campaign to change personal status codes, and the campaign to give women equal rights to pass on their nationality – the study traces different ways in which norms are translated as activists negotiate the structures that make up the Lebanese context. Through ethnographic research, the process of norm translation was found to produce various filters, i.e., constellations of arguments put forward by activists as they seek to match international norms to the local context. The dissertation identifies six such filters and finds that these filters often have created faithless translations of international norms.^
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High-ranking Chinese military officials are often quoted in international media as stating that China cannot afford to lose even an inch of Chinese territory, as this territory has been passed down from Chinese ancestors. Such statements are not new in Chinese politics, but recently this narrative has made an important transition. While previously limited to disputes over land borders, such rhetoric is now routinely applied to disputes involving islands and maritime borders. China is increasingly oriented toward its maritime borders and seems unwilling to compromise on delimitation disputes, a transition mirrored by many states across the globe. In a similar vein, scholarship has found that territorial disputes are particularly intractable and volatile when compared with other types of disputes, and a large body of research has grappled with producing systematic knowledge of territorial conflict. Yet in this wide body of literature, an important question has remained largely unanswered - how do states determine which geographical areas will be included in their territorial and maritime claims? In other words, if nations are willing to fight and die for an inch of national territory, how do governments draw the boundaries of the nation? This dissertation uses in-depth case studies of some of the most prominent territorial and maritime disputes in East Asia to argue that domestic political processes play a dominant and previously under-explored role in both shaping claims and determining the nature of territorial and maritime disputes. China and Taiwan are particularly well suited for this type of investigation, as they are separate claimants in multiple disputes, yet they both draw upon the same historical record when establishing and justifying their claims. Leveraging fieldwork in Taiwan, China, and the US, this dissertation includes in-depth case studies of China’s and Taiwan’s respective claims in both the South China Sea and East China Sea disputes. Evidence from this dissertation indicates that officials in both China and Taiwan have struggled with how to reconcile history and international law when establishing their claims, and that this struggle has introduced ambiguity into China's and Taiwan's claims. Amid this process, domestic political dynamics have played a dominant role in shaping the options available and the potential for claims to change in the future. In Taiwan’s democratic system, where national identity is highly contested through party politics, opinions vary along a broad spectrum as to the proper borders of the nation, and there is considerable evidence that Taiwan’s claims may change in the near future. In contrast, within China’s single-party authoritarian political system, where nationalism is source of regime legitimacy, views on the proper interpretation of China’s boundaries do vary, but along a much more narrow range. In the dissertation’s final chapter, additional cases, such as South Korea’s position on Dokdo and Indonesia’s approach to the defense of Natuna are used as points of comparison to further clarify theoretical findings.
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Edward Said, palestiniano cidadão do mundo, historiador crítico da literatura e da cultura preocupa-se em analisar e desmistificar as representações ideológicas que afirmam a superioridade de uma cultura sobre as outras. Em Orientalismo , publicado originalmente em 1978, demonstra como o colonialismo europeu constrói uma representação do mundo oriental, especialmente do mundo árabe e muçulmano, em que os representados surgem como seres incapazes de autonomia, racionalidade e autogoverno. Como contraponto a esta concepção, desenvolve-se, no período da emancipação e das independências coloniais, uma nova visão em que os povos colonizados de mero objecto de representação se transformam em sujeitos da sua própria história. Em Cultura e Imperialismo , publicado em 1993, Said analisa como os intelectuais e os criadores dos povos dominados elaboram uma nova representação de si próprios e do Outro no âmbito do processo de luta e emancipação colonial. Mas apenas a livre interacção e interdependência das culturas poderá constituir uma síntese superadora do imperialismo e do nacionalismo anticolonial. Dimensão libertadora que se tornará a verdadeira missão e vocação do intelectual sem fronteiras de que Said foi um dos maiores expoentes contemporâneos.
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Game theory is a branch of applied mathematics used to analyze situation where two or more agents are interacting. Originally it was developed as a model for conflicts and collaborations between rational and intelligent individuals. Now it finds applications in social sciences, eco- nomics, biology (particularly evolutionary biology and ecology), engineering, political science, international relations, computer science, and philosophy. Networks are an abstract representation of interactions, dependencies or relationships. Net- works are extensively used in all the fields mentioned above and in many more. Many useful informations about a system can be discovered by analyzing the current state of a network representation of such system. In this work we will apply some of the methods of game theory to populations of agents that are interconnected. A population is in fact represented by a network of players where one can only interact with another if there is a connection between them. In the first part of this work we will show that the structure of the underlying network has a strong influence on the strategies that the players will decide to adopt to maximize their utility. We will then introduce a supplementary degree of freedom by allowing the structure of the population to be modified along the simulations. This modification allows the players to modify the structure of their environment to optimize the utility that they can obtain.
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Este artigo tem por objetivo chamar a atenção para o despontar de várias situações de grande incerteza e elevado grau de risco que afetam o sistema mundial e que os velhos poderes democráticos persistem em ignorar. Essas situações provêm essencialmente de três fatores altamente desestabilizadores: primeiro a existência de países em que toda uma elite corrupta, totalitária e didatorial se instalou e procura perpetuar-se no poder, com a geração de grandes focos de miséria e do aumento do grassar da fome; segundo a execução de uma política intransigente, arrogante e agressiva da parte de Pequim, a qual se tem refletido em evidentes apoios económicos e militares a Estados considerados como irracionais ou fomentadores do atual desestabilização nas áreas política e dos mercados internacionais; e terceiro na evidente instabilidade que se verifica em África pelas razões mencionadas, continente que a Europa não deve nem pode ignorar. Conclui-se com a necessidade premente de Portugal se tornar um Estado mais forte, de maior solidez e credibilidade, que lhe permita reconquistar o lugar a que tem direito nos níveis superiores de hierarquização das Potências no interior do Sistema mundial.
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In understanding that the efforts made in improving global health affects the health of U.S. citizens, a policy analysis of President Barak Obama's Global Health Initiative was conducted. Using materials gathered from experts in the field of health and their findings and recommendations, paired with the current policies of other G8 countries that pledged to support the efforts of improving global health, the analysis was conducted using four specifically defined criteria. The set criteria determine the appropriateness, responsiveness, effectiveness and equity of Obama's GHI in comparison to other G8 country health policies and overall global health priorities. G8 countries without a specific global health policy, or with a policy that was not in English were excluded from this study and Switzerland, headquarters of the World Health Organization, was added due to its membership in the OECD, and the fact that it has a specific foreign health policy. In evaluating the U.S. Global Health Initiative it is clear that in terms of implementing foreign policy specific to health, the United States is on the forefront alongside the United Kingdom and Switzerland. Other G8 Countries have pledged monies and in order to Millennium Development Health Goals by 2015. The U.S. Global Health Policy does not address issues necessary to meet Millennium Development Goals in Health. Instead the Global Health Initiative is focused narrowly on Fighting and rolling back the HIV/Aids Epidemic based on President Bush's PEPFAR policy. Policy recommendations for a more effective and efficient Global Health Initiative include building upon the PEPFAR policy foundation in order to strengthen health systems worldwide, allowing individuals and communities to combat unnecessary death and disease through research, education, and other preventative methods.^
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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The aim of the paper is to analyse the ongoing transformation process within the Islamist movements using the example of the moderate Islamic Action Front party in Jordan. The dilemma of participation in the 2010 general elections raised tensions between the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan and its political wing, the Islamic Action Front, and between doves and hawks of the same organizations. Internal debate on the future has started recently among different groups within the Islamist movement in Jordan. The research is based on the author‘s recent field experience in Jordan (April–July 2010, Andrew W. Mellon Fellowship at the American Centre of Oriental Research, Amman, Jordan). The author also conducted research in Syria, Lebanon, Palestine and Egypt, where several interviews were carried out with leading and lower level Islamist politicians. The dynamic changes within Islamic Action Front Party in Jordan and its relation with the regime has been used as reference point. The main question of the research was aa how the changing political and regional context shapes decisions of the Islamist with special attention to the acceptance of democratic values and human rights, political participation, and the meanings of Islamic values in the 21st century, possible cooperation with secular parties/movements/the regime.
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A tanulmány azt vizsgálja, hogy az Egyesült Királyság milyen lehetőségek közül választhat, ha kilépne az Európai Unióból. David Cameron 2013. elején kilátásba helyezte, hogy újraválasztása esetén 2017-ben népszavazást ír ki országa EU-tagságáról. A téma igen aktuális, mégis az tapasztalható, hogy legtöbbször csak az EU-tagság hátrányáról esik szó, nem pedig a kilépés utáni konkrét következményekről. Az EU-tagság alternatíváinak elemzése ezt a hiányosságot próbálja meg pótolni. Két nagy csoportra lehet bontani ezeket:egyrészt a létező (norvég, svájci, török modell), másrészt a nem létező, csak elképzelt alternatívákra (AEA, NAFTA, EU+1, Commonwealth, WTO). A tanulmány végére kiderül, hogy a lehetőségek számos olyan problémával rendelkeznek, amelyeket EU-tagként nem lehet érzékelni. Így az is előfordulhat, hogy a kevésbé népszerű EU-tagság is előnyösebb lehet, mint a kilépés utáni alternatívák. Az elemzés mindenki számára hasznos lehet, akik az EU-n kívüli élet dilemmáit szeretnék jobban megérteni.