Hindrances to prosperity; or, Causes which retard financial and political reforms in the United States,

Mode of access: Internet.

Who does nutrition prevention work in Queensland? An investigation of structural and political workforce reforms

- Aim This study aimed (i) to determine the change in the number of government-funded nutrition positions following structural and political reforms and (ii) to describe the remaining workforce available to do nutrition prevention work, including student placements, in Queensland. - Methods Positions funded by the Queensland government were counted using departmental human resource data and compared with data collected 4 years earlier. Positions not funded by the government were identified using formal professional networks and governance group lists. Both groups were sent an online survey that explored their position name, funding source, employer, qualifications, years of experience, work in prevention and ability to supervise students. - Results There was a 90% reduction in the number of nutrition prevention positions funded by the government between 2009 (137 full time equivalents (FTE)) and 2013 (14 FTE). In 2013, 313 specialist (n = 92) and generalist (n = 221) practitioners were identified as potentially working in nutrition prevention throughout Queensland. A total of 30 permanent FTEs indicated over 75% of their work focused on prevention. This included the 14 FTE funded by the Queensland government and an additional 16 FTE from other sectors. Generalists did not consider themselves part of the nutrition workforce. - Conclusions Queensland experienced an extreme reduction in its nutrition prevention workforce as a result of political and structural reforms. This disinvestment by the Queensland government was not compensated for by other sectors, and has left marked deficits in public health nutrition capacity, including student placements.

Vietnam’s political economy: a discussion on the 1986-2016 period

Being a member of the thriving ASEAN and successfully implementing economic renovation (Doi Moi) have drawn the world's attention on Vietnam around the turn of the millennium. Some even expected a much faster pace of transformation, and renewed economic, AND political, reforms in Vietnam, or Doi Moi II.However, in the recent transition turmoil the Vietnamese economy has experienced some significant setback, and the solution for getting the country out of the downward spiral of low productivity, waning purchasing power and increasing costs of doing business cannot be worked out without addressing those political economy issues that have shaped the modus operandi of the nation's economic system. This article discusses the post-Doi Moi political economy in Vietnam, from 1986 to 2016 – when the 12th Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam takes place – and prospects of reviving reform momentum in subsequent years.

Civil Society and Political Parties in the Period of Transition

The major aim of Mr. Marada's project was to investigate the role of political parties on the one hand, and various institutional forms of civil society on the other, in the process of establishing mechanisms of political decision-making and policy-formation in Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic, after November 1989. Mr. Marada wanted to examine what consequences the interplay and tensions between political parties and institutions of civil society had on the status and practical understanding of citizenship and civil society. At the beginning of his research Mr. Marada found that, while the sphere of the political was relatively clearly defined, the phenomenon of civil society required a conceptual clarification. He devoted a great deal of time to analysing the emergence, development, and disintegration of Civic Forum as the major agent of the regime change and subsequent political reforms. Alongside this analysis is a commentary on Czech society in general, drawing on established research to show how, as yet, a kind of civic incompetence reigns within the country, and how this situation has its roots in the belief, promoted by politicians themselves, that politics is an activity for experts only. The final outcome of his research took the form of a series of articles, in English, totalling 40 pages.

National Parliaments and their Role in European Integration: The EU’s Democratic Deficit in Times of Economic Hardship and Political Insecurity. Bruges Political Research Paper 28/2013

The article describes and assesses the role of national parliaments in EU legislation considering the reforms introduced by the Lisbon Treaty. This is closely connected with the understanding and (political) application of the principle of subsidiarity. After an analysis of the possibilities and limitations of the relevant legal regulations in the post-Lisbon age, alternative ways for participation of national legislators on the European level are being scrutinized and proposed. The issue of democratic legitimization is also interconnected with the current political reforms being discussed in order to overcome the Euro Crisis. Finally, the authors argue that it does not make sense to include national parliaments in the existing legislative triangle of the EU, but instead to promote the creation of a new kind of supervisory body.

Ethics in a Technological World : Framing the Questions and Three Approaches

This study addresses the following question: How to think about ethics in a technological world? The question is treated first thematically by framing central issues in the relationship between ethics and technology. This relationship has three distinct facets: i) technological advance poses new challenges for ethics, ii) traditional ethics may become poorly applicable in a technologically transformed world, and iii) the progress in science and technology has altered the concept of rationality in ways that undermine ethical thinking itself. The thematic treatment is followed by the description and analysis of three approaches to the questions framed. First, Hans Jonas s thinking on the ontology of life and the imperative of responsibility is studied. In Jonas s analysis modern culture is found to be nihilistic because it is unable to understand organic life, to find meaning in reality, and to justify morals. At the root of nihilism Jonas finds dualism, the traditional Western way of seeing consciousness as radically separate from the material world. Jonas attempts to create a metaphysical grounding for an ethic that would take the technologically increased human powers into account and make the responsibility for future generations meaningful and justified. The second approach is Albert Borgmann s philosophy of technology that mainly assesses the ways in which technological development has affected everyday life. Borgmann admits that modern technology has liberated humans from toil, disease, danger, and sickness. Furthermore, liberal democracy, possibilities for self-realization, and many of the freedoms we now enjoy would not be possible on a large scale without technology. Borgmann, however, argues that modern technology in itself does not provide a whole and meaningful life. In fact, technological conditions are often detrimental to the good life. Integrity in life, according to him, is to be sought among things and practices that evade technoscientific objectification and commodification. Larry Hickman s Deweyan philosophy of technology is the third approach under scrutiny. Central in Hickman s thinking is a broad definition of technology that is nearly equal to Deweyan inquiry. Inquiry refers to the reflective and experiential way humans adapt to their environment by modifying their habits and beliefs. In Hickman s work, technology consists of all kinds of activities that through experimentation and/or reflection aim at improving human techniques and habits. Thus, in addition to research and development, many arts and political reforms are technological for Hickman. He argues for recasting such distinctions as fact/value, poiesis/praxis/theoria, and individual/society. Finally, Hickman does not admit a categorical difference between ethics and technology: moral values and norms need to be submitted to experiential inquiry as well as all the other notions. This study mainly argues for an interdisciplinary approach to the ethics of technology. This approach should make use of the potentialities of the research traditions in applied ethics, the philosophy of technology, and the social studies on science and technology and attempt to overcome their limitations. This study also advocates an endorsement of mid-level ethics that concentrate on the practices, institutions, and policies of temporal human life. Mid-level describes the realm between the instantaneous and individualistic micro-level and the universal and global macro level.

Megaeventos e direito à moradia: como opera o empreendedorismo urbano no contexto do neodesenvolvimentismo. O caso do Parque Olímpico no Rio de Janeiro

Esta pesquisa busca investigar um processo em curso, onde a estratégia do empreendedorismo na gestão das políticas públicas urbanas vem se adaptando e se conformando ao atual contexto de política econômica chamada de neodesenvolvimentismo. Para isso, as parcerias público-privadas tem um papel fundamental na gestão do desenvolvimento urbano, no âmbito das três esferas de poder. Abordaremos, portanto, o histórico das reformas políticas do País que levaram a uma evolução da política de nacional-desenvolvimentismo ao novo desenvolvimentismo, para entendermos o contexto no qual as atuais parcerias público-privadas vem sendo desenvolvidas como modelo para de gerir o território. Mencionaremos também a legislação e os discursos por trás da defesa deste tipo de negócio entre o poder público e o setor privado. Ainda, como o país enfrentou a crise de 2008, chamada de crise das crises, utilizando esse modelo de gestão do território. Os megaeventos esportivos serão analisados como um fator catalizante da atração de investimentos e negócios para as cidades. No Rio de Janeiro, com a escolha da cidade para sediar os Jogos Olímpicos, e também sendo uma das cidades sedes da Copa do Mundo FIFA de 2014, várias de transformações territoriais se iniciaram. Com fortes indícios de que uma série de violações estava por vir, a fim de abrir espaço e ampliar o mercado dos investimentos privados. O Parque Olímpico, como principal local de competições das Olimpíadas de 2016, configura-se como uma imensa oportunidade de negócios com a iniciativa privada, localizado em área de ampla expansão do mercado imobiliário da cidade: a Barra da Tijuca. Diante disso, muitas comunidades pobres vem sofrendo com a política de deslocamento forçado para dar lugar aos investimentos no território. Neste contexto, está a comunidade Vila Autódromo, estabelecida bem ao lado do local de implementação do empreendimento. Sua remoção está prevista no estudo de viabilidade e no edital de concessão. Estudaremos a parceria público-privada realizada para a construção do Parque Olímpico, através da análise dos documentos relacionados ao seu processo licitatório e a escolha do consórcio vencedor. Ainda, como esse empreendimento tem impactado no caso da comunidade Vila Autódromo, que além de já ter sido alvo de outras tentativas de remoção, foi objeto de uma política de regularização fundiária no passado e tem um intenso histórico de resistência e de luta pela permanência.

Enduring Borderlands: the Marches of Ireland and Wales in the Early Modern Period

This joint chapter explores similarities and differences between two borderlands within the early modern ‘British’ state – the marches of Ireland and Wales. In some respects, the two regions were very different, most fundamentally because the Irish march remained militarised throughout the Tudor period, while Welsh society was markedly more peaceful. However, there was also much in common. In the later middle ages both marches were frontiers between the expanding Anglo-Normans and native Celtic society. The notion that the march separated ‘civility’ from ‘savagery’ was an enduring one: despite the efforts of the Tudors to impose centralisation and uniformity throughout its territories, there remained institutions, structures of power, and mentalities which ensured that both sets of marches were still in existence by the end of the 16th century. This chapter explores the reasons for the endurance of these borderlands, and indicates how political reforms of the 16th century caused the perception – and sometimes the very location – of the marches to alter.

企业组织领导参与决策行为研究

In the processes of Chinese economic and political reforms, making decision democratically and scientifically is one of the most important problems for the managers. Through the investigations of 319 managers from 13 companies in 3 cities of China, the participation or the behavior of influence and power sharing in managerial decision-making was systematically analyzed. The research was concerned with three aspects: (1) the descriptive study of managerial decision-making; (2) the relationship between managerial decision-making and a set of specified contingent situational factors; (3) the relationship between managerial decision-making and various outcome variables, such as job satisfaction and organizational effectiveness. The principal results of the research showed. 1. The managers used different methods of decision-making in different situations. The wildly used method by the managers was "prior consultation with subordinate". 2. Compared with the developed countries, Chinese managers tended to use more centralized methods of decision-making. In the comparisons among the different districts of China, the managers in the districts of the higher level economic and cultural development tended to use more participative methods in the processes of decision-making. 3. The behavior of managerial decision-making was influenced by the various contingent factors, such as the uncertainties of the environments, the job constraints, and the variables related to persons, etc. 4. The behavior of the managerial decision-making correlated significantly with the job satisfaction and organizational effectiveness. The more influence and power managers owned in the processes of decision-making, the more positive they evaluated their job satisfaction and organizational effectiveness.

高科技领域工作人员价值观的文化差异研究

In the processes of Chinese economic and political reforms, it has many problems in the international corporations because of the difference of cultures. This research try to compare the Chinese managers and other conntries' through the investigation of 435 managers and employee from 9 units in Beijing. We used Hofstede's "Value Survey Module" (1980), Compared to Cultures in power distance, uncertainly avoidance, individualism-collectivism, masculinity. We also compared the employee's attitude with three patterns. The conclusions are: 1. There is not significant level difference in three patterns. 2. At PDI、UAI、IDV、MAS the fonr dimensions, our invested results approach Hofsteds's invested results. This is high at PDI, but middle at UAI、IDV、MAS.

Comparing impacts of new cropping systems on biodiversity in traditional rural China

This study selected six geographically-similar villages with traditional and alternative cultivation methods (two groups of three, one traditional and two alternatives) in two counties of Henan Province, China—a representative area of the Huang-huai-hai Plain representing traditional rural China. Soil heavy metal concentrations, floral and faunal biodiversity, and socio-economic data were recorded. Heavy metal concentrations of surface soils from three sites in each village were analysed using Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometry (ICP-MS, chromium, nickel, copper, cadmium, and lead) and Atomic Absorption Spectrophotometer (AAS, zinc). The floral biodiversity of four land-use types was recorded following the Braun-Blanquet coverage-abundance method using 0.5×0.5m quadrats. The faunal biodiversity of two representative farmland plots was recorded using 0.3×0.3m quadrats at four 0.1m layers. The socio-economic data were recorded through face-to-face interviews of one hundred randomly selected households at each village. Results demonstrate different cultivation methods lead to different impact on above variables. Traditional cultivation led to lower heavy metal concentrations; both alternative managements were associated with massive agrochemical input causing heavy metal pollution in farmlands. Floral distribution was significantly affected by village factors. Diverse cultivation supported high floral biodiversity through multi-scale heterogeneous landscapes containing niches and habitats. Faunal distribution was also significantly affected by village factor nested within soil depth. Different faunal groups responded differently, with Acari being taxonomically diverse and Collembola high in densities. Increase in manual labour and crop number in villages using alternative cultivation may positively affect biodiversity. The results point to the conservation potential of diverse cultivation methods in traditional rural China and other regions under social and political reforms, where traditional agriculture is changing to unified, large-scale mechanized agriculture. This study serves as a baseline for conservation in small-holding agricultural areas of China, and points to the necessity of further studies at larger and longer scales.

La stigmatisation des aidants familiaux de personnes atteintes par la maladie d’Alzheimer

Le vieillissement de la population entraîne une hausse des maladies chroniques telle que la maladie d’Alzheimer dans nos sociétés occidentales. L’enjeu du vieillissement se répercute aussi dans les réformes de nos politiques sociales, et plus généralement dans la gestion des services publics. Dans ce contexte, le régime de santé publique québécois connaît diverses modifications concernant la prestation de soins de première ligne. De nouveaux acteurs acquièrent des rôles et des responsabilités définissant des enjeux particuliers. Nous étudierons l’un de ces enjeux. Ce mémoire vise à spécifier les processus sociaux à la base de l’isolement des aidants familiaux de personnes atteintes par la maladie d’Alzheimer. La stigmatisation des aidants et les microprocessus afférents sont les principaux mécanismes analysés. Les données sont extraites d’entrevues semi-structurées réalisées avec une cohorte d’aidants familiaux (N=60) suivie longitudinalement depuis le début de leur trajectoire de soins. Une démarche qualitative soutient ce projet. Nous avons analysé un échantillon de douze participants au moyen d’une approche séquentielle. Trois processus typiques ont été identifiés : le stigma de forme en ruptures (séparation sociale), le stigma de forme transitoire (stigma transitoire) et le stigma de forme anomique (anomie sociale). Les résultats suggèrent que les réseaux sociaux des aidants sont soumis à un ensemble de conditions favorisant la structuration du stigma social, la principale condition étant un enjeu de pouvoir concernant le contrôle de la personne malade. Les aidants conjoints de personnes atteintes sont plus enclins à la stigmatisation en début de trajectoire.

Les possessions françaises en Inde dès les années 1920 jusqu'à l'indépendance : histoire d'un revirement politique

Peu de personnes se rappellent de la présence de la France en Inde. Quelques parties de l’Inde sont restées françaises jusqu’en 1954. À cette date, l’Inde française, consistant de quatre petits établissements (Pondichéry, Yanaon, Karikal et Mahé), était en pleine décadence et éclipsée par d’autres colonies françaises, plus grandes, plus lucratives et plus importantes pour la Métropole. L’Indochine et l’Algérie ne sont que deux exemples. Toutefois, les Français n’étaient pas disposés à abandonner leurs possessions en Inde sans résistance. Le présent mémoire cherche à expliquer la valeur des possessions françaises en Inde et les raisons de la fin de la tutelle française. Le titre du mémoire indique qu’un certain changement a eu lieu dans la politique française vis-à-vis de ses possessions en Inde. L’étude commence par un résumé de la situation politique et économique de l’Inde française depuis la fin de la dernière occupation anglaise en 1814 jusqu’à la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale. L’année 1920 est choisie comme point de départ de la période visée par le mémoire. Portant sur les années 1920, le premier chapitre examine l’hégémonie du parti Gaebelé qui a eu toutes les caractéristiques d’une dictature. Indifférentes à la vie politique de l’Inde française, les autorités métropolitaines étaient surtout attirées par le commerce que la colonie offrait dans la production de tissus et l’exportation d’arachides. Après la chute du parti Gaebelé, l’Inde française a été plongée dans une longue période d’agitation, un thème clé du deuxième chapitre sur les années 1930. Inconscientes de la réalité politique, les autorités métropolitaines ont toujours accordé la priorité au commerce. Durant les années 1940, l’Inde française n’a jamais arrêté de se rapprocher de l’Inde britannique. Ce rapprochement a aussi persisté lorsque l’Inde britannique est devenue l’Union indienne en 1947. Soudainement, les Français ont senti le besoin de réaffirmer leur position d’autorité en Inde française. Le commerce est passé au second plan au profit d’une série de réformes politiques. Toutefois, ce brusque changement de politique fut trop tardif. Le quatrième chapitre, centré surtout sur la période de 1950 à 1954 et vu à travers l’exemple d’Édouard Goubert, a souligné la méconnaissance des autorités métropolitaines des réalités qui confrontaient l’Inde française. Lorsque Goubert a cessé de servir comme porte-parole et principal allié du gouvernement français en Inde, les possessions françaises en Inde furent rattachées une par une à l’Union indienne. Rétrospectivement, les faits économiques, vitaux pour le début du mémoire, sont quasiment absents de deux derniers chapitres. Se retrouvant face à la menace de perdre leurs possessions en Inde, les Français ont compris que l’Inde française était précieuse pour des raisons autres que le commerce. Un accent particulier fut mis pour souligner ces avantages culturels et politiques. De petite taille, les possessions françaises étaient importantes pour l’ordre et la stabilité dans les autres colonies de l’Empire. Parallèlement, elles représentaient des points d’appui pour l’expansion de la culture française dans l’immense sous-continent indien.

La transmission des normes internationales en droits de la personne et le développement démocratique au Mexique

Quel est le pouvoir des normes internationales de droits humains ? Ces normes ont-elles un pouvoir politique? En s’appuyant sur le cas mexicain (entre 1988 et 2006), la thèse tente de répondre à trois questionnements. Le premier est lié à la trajectoire des normes: les défenseurs mexicains des droits humains cherchent-ils l’appui d’acteurs internationaux pour promouvoir les droits humains vis-à-vis leur gouvernement, tel que le suggère le modèle du boomerang ? Deuxièmement, il s’agit de comprendre l’impact du processus de diffusion des normes sur le respect des droits humains : les acteurs internationaux et nationaux qui défendent les droits humains parviennent-ils à influencer les décisions politiques gouvernementales, en matière de protection des droits humains ? Et finalement: ces groupes contribuent-ils à changer le cours du processus de démocratisation d’un État ? Les résultats de la recherche permettent de tirer quelques conclusions. La thèse confirme dans un premier temps la théorie du boomerang de Keck et Sikkink (1998), puisque les pressions domestiques en matière de droits humains deviennent efficaces au moment où les acteurs domestiques gagnent l’appui des acteurs internationaux. En ce qui concerne l’impact de la diffusion des normes internationales des droits humains sur leur protection gouvernementale, il semble que le gouvernement mexicain entre 1988 et 2006 réagisse aux pressions des acteurs qui diffusent les normes de droits humains par la mise en place d’institutions et de lois et non par une protection effective de ces droits. Un deuxième type d’impact, lié à la diffusion des normes en droits humains, est observé sur le processus de démocratisation. La thèse montre que les acteurs qui diffusent les normes en droits humains jouent un rôle dans la mise en place de réformes électorales, tout en contribuant à une redéfinition plus démocratique des rapports de pouvoir entre la société civile et l’État.

Análisis comparado de la situación política del partido conservador en los mandatos de Andrés Pastrana (1998-2002) y Álvaro Uribe Vélez (2002-2006)

Durante los gobiernos de Andrés Pastrana (98-02) y Álvaro Uribe (02-06), el Partido Conservador experimentó una serie de cambios y reformas tanto internas como externas, que permitieron su supervivencia al interior del sistema político colombiano.