Lessons of peace in Aceh: administrative decentralization and political freedom as a strategy of pacification in Aceh

This working paper shows the evolution of the Aceh conflict until its peaceful resolution in 2005. The key factors in the success of this peace process have been the confluence of several factors related to the internal and external dynamics of the country, including the new political leadership, the decreasing role of the military power, the international support and the meeting of the objectives of both groups, and so on. The end of the conflict in Aceh shows that the administrative decentralization and the promotion of the political participation of the main actors involved have made possible the development of a solid alternative to the arms strategy of conflict resolution used for years in Indonesia.

Introduction: the legacy of Greek political thought

This Introduction offers context for the individual papers by examining the intersections and productive tensions between political thought and classical reception studies. While Plato and Aristotle have long been privileged interlocutors for political philosophers, classical reception studies has pluralised both this ancient canon and given rise to a more complex understanding of the modern heirs of ancient political thought. Similarly, the insights of studying the history of political texts and ideas across a longer tradition calls into question the fixity of concepts such as democracy, empire and political freedom. Indeed, we query the very notion of tradition by emphasising how the past has been repeatedly constructed and reconstructed in divergent modern political discourses and conversely how modern political theories and realities have been shaped and reshaped by an idea of antiquity. The Introduction closes with a brief survey of the collected papers.

Inequality, fiscal capacity and the political regime: lessons from the post-communist transition

Using panel data for twenty-seven post-communist economies between 1987-2003, we examine the nexus of relationships between inequality, fiscal capacity (defined as the ability to raise taxes efficiently) and the political regime. Investigating the impact of political reform we find that full political freedom is associated with lower levels of income inequality. Under more oligarchic (authoritarian) regimes, the level of inequality is conditioned by the state���s fiscal capacity. Specifically, oligarchic regimes with more developed fiscal systems are able to defend the prevailing vested interests at a lower cost in terms of social injustice. This empirical finding is consistent with the model developed by Acemoglu (2006). We also find that transition countries undertaking early macroeconomic stabilisation now enjoy lower levels of inequality; we confirm that education fosters equality and the suggestion of Commander et al (1999) that larger countries are prone to higher levels of inequality.

Democracry and the Individual

The main question informing this paper is whether it is possible to extend democracy beyond its liberal forms. The paper reflects upon this question with regard to its implications for the individual. For the radicalization of democracy implies a need for self-transformation, if the everyday egoism of contemporary citizens is not to thwart reasonable discussion and participation. Theorists such as Richard Rorty argue that the philosophical resources required to guide such self-transformation can be made available only by sacrificing the political freedom and cultural diversity liberalism has been able to precariously establish. Other theorists insist that the thresholds of pluralism and tolerance that existing liberal democracies are struggling to maintain actually require an extension of democracy. The paper evaluates two different theoretical strategies that aim to identify potentials for democratization without falling prey to the dilemma identified by Rorty: a ��� deliberative��� strategy explicated with reference to J��rgen Habermas and an ���existential��� approach represented here by William Connolly.

Cape Verde���s foreign policy: an economic perspective

The virtuous cycle between development success and foreign policy in Cape Verde reflects a positive interaction between globalization and governance. Development success under globalization entails positive market perceptions regarding the orientation and predictability of policies as well as the accompanying institutional arrangements, thereby making foreign policy salient beyond the comparator group, or ���aspirational���. Even if there is no universally applicable development model, an aspirational foreign policy can be built on positive rankings with respect to comparator groups. In Macedo and Pereira (2010), macrolevel policy and institutional combinations underpinning trade diversification and income convergence in West and Southern Africa are used to establish development success for Cape Verde and Mozambique respectively. Here, the narrative of long-term development helps identify the following drivers: moving towards a market economy; opening up to regional and global trade; increasing economic and political freedom; pursuing macroeconomic stability and financial reputation; ensuring policy continuity (especially in trade and industrial sectors) and focusing on human development (especially poverty reduction and education). Looking at GDP per capita and indicators of financial reputation and good governance of sub-regional peers is not sufficient to conclude that Cape Verde���s convergence will be sustained. Nevertheless, the positive interaction between trade and financial globalization, on the one hand, and democracy and good governance, on the other, have positive implications for the effectiveness of foreign policy across the region as well as in the Portuguese-speaking community.

Mundo com��n, feminismo y mitolog��a

[spa]Desde la d��cada de 1970 el feminismo ha significado una de las profundizaciones cr��ticas m.s productivas del legado del pensamiento pol��tico de la modernidad. El presente art��culo atiende al cuestionamiento de las modernas nociones de libertad y comunidad pol��ticas que Linda Zerilli ha llevado a cabo en su lectura de Hannah Arendt y de Ludwig Wittgenstein. A partir de ah. y de la reciente querella en torno al diformismo sexual, se muestra la necesidad de repensar la relaci��n entre teor��a y praxis m��s all�� de la concepci��n moderna, presente en buena parte de la teor��a feminista contempor��nea. [eng]Since the 1970s feminism has signified one of the most productive critical reconsiderations of modern political thought legacy. This article examines the questioning ofmodern notions of political freedom and political community that Linda Zerilli has undertaken in her reading of Hannah Arendt and Ludwig Wittgenstein. On this basis and on criticism of sexual dimorphism, the article shows the need to rethink the relationship between theory and praxis beyond itsmodern conception, a feature present in much of contemporary feminist theory.

Climate Change, Neutrality and the Harm Principle

This paper aims at evaluating the compatibility of coercive climate policies with liberal neutrality. More precisely, it focuses on the doctrine of state neutrality as associated with the "harm principle". It argues that given the difficulty of attributing causal responsibilities for climate harms to individuals, the harm principle doesn't work in this case, at least if one endorses a liberal atomistic ontology. Furthermore, the definition of what constitutes climate harms implies making moral assumptions, which makes it impossible to justify climate policies in a neutral way. Finally, the paper shows another consequence of applying neutrality to the case of climate change, that is the risk of a shift from political forms of decision-making to technocracy. Focusing too much on liberty of choice may (paradoxically) be to the detriment of political freedom. The paper concludes that climate change is an intrinsically moral issue and that it should be the occasion of a political debate about our current values and lifestyles. It should not be reduced to a mere question of carbon metric.

Tocqueville et Guizot: la fondation d'un lib��ralisme des moeurs

Alexis de Tocqueville est un auteur canonique du lib��ralisme. Son inscription au sein du lib��ralisme s���op��re fr��quemment par une accentuation unilat��rale de sa d��fense de la libert�� individuelle. Certes, Tocqueville d��fend la libert�� individuelle, elle prend une place d��cisive dans son ��uvre o�� l���objectif th��orique propos�� r��v��le sa volont�� d�����lever l���individu �� c��t�� de la soci��t�� et de l�����tat. Mais cette d��fense est constamment pens��e chez Tocqueville en interrogeant ses conditions de possibilit�� qui sont indissociables d���une culture politique o�� la participation politique est une dimension essentielle. Une participation politique qui fonde des habitudes collectives, une culture civique, assurant ainsi la p��rennit�� des institutions d��mocratiques lib��rales. En ce sens, il est ��vident que le lib��ralisme de Tocqueville est d��termin�� par un cadre plus large que la seule d��fense de la libert�� individuelle. Afin qu���elle s�����panouisse pleinement et v��ritablement, il y a une priorit�� absolue d���une pratique continue de la libert��, la libert�� politique qui actualise sans repos les conditions de possibilit�� de la libert�� individuelle. Cette pratique de la libert�� politique contribue �� la formation des ��m��urs libres��, ces habitudes collectives qui organisent une culture civique particuli��re, m��urs indispensables au maintien des soci��t��s libres. Nous identifierons donc Tocqueville �� un lib��ralisme des m��urs. Afin de saisir ad��quatement la r��elle port��e de la pens��e tocquevillienne, nous d��voilerons les influences intellectuelles fondamentales qui ont pr��sid�� �� l�����laboration de La D��mocratie en Am��rique. De fait, nous restituerons l���espace intertextuel entre Tocqueville et Fran��ois Guizot. Cet espace r��v��le l���influence certaine de Guizot sur Tocqueville, mais il rend ��galement saillante son insistance sur une pratique de la libert�� politique.

La contestation internationale : les probl��mes de la souverainet�� et de la domination

Dans ce travail, nous posons d���abord la question de la l��gitimit�� de la contestation internationale. En partant de la conception lib��rale de la souverainet�� ��tatique, nous montrons que la contestation internationale pourrait ��tre critiqu��e pour l���interf��rence qu���elle cr��e entre des acteurs ��trangers. Pour d��fendre la l��gitimit�� de la contestation, nous argumentons en faveur de la position r��publicaine de Philip Pettit selon laquelle la souverainet�� ��tatique ne devrait pas ��tre comprise comme une absence d���interf��rence, mais plut��t comme une absence de domination. En montrant que les probl��mes environnementaux peuvent ��tre compris en tant que domination ��cologique, nous tentons alors de d��montrer que la contestation internationale ne pose pas n��cessairement probl��me pour la souverainet�� des ��tats, mais qu���au contraire, celle-ci peut servir protection contre d�����ventuels cas de domination. Dans la seconde partie du travail, nous explorons la question de la l��gitimit�� des moyens de contestation utilis��s par les activistes. En conservant les id��es de Pettit concernant la domination, nous prenons toutefois nos distances par rapport �� cet auteur et sa conception d��lib��rative de la contestation. Nous amorcerons finalement la r��flexion dans le but de trouver des crit��res pouvant l��gitimer certains recours �� des moyens de contestation plus radicaux. Nous d��fendons notamment une position originale, voulant que la contestation soit comprise en continuit�� avec la d��lib��ration plut��t qu���en rupture avec celle-ci.

L'id��e de libert�� politique chez Spinoza

Chez Spinoza, la politique se construit essentiellement sur les bases de l'��difice de la libert��. En effet, la libert�� se vit sous une forme institutionnelle, c'est-��-dire comme le dit Alain Billecoq, ���� travers des lois qui garantissent sa stabilit�� et sa p��rennit���� (Billecoq, p. 132). Cela devrait donc exclure normalement toute ��ventualit�� de conflit entre les pouvoirs politiques et la libert�� des individus. D���autant que l�����tat puise son fondement dans les droits et libert��s qu���il se doit de garantir �� ses citoyens. Autrement dit, on devrait supposer qu���il y a une certaine ad��quation du pouvoir de l�����tat et de la libert�� des individus. Or, ce n���est pas toujours le cas. Car de l���avis de certains, libert�� et pouvoir de commandement ne sont pas tout �� fait compatibles. Comment donc rendre possible une cohabitation de l�����tat comme organe de contrainte et de r��gulation, et de la libert�� des individus, qui semble pourtant n��cessaire? En passant par sa conception du droit naturel, de l�����tat de nature et de l�����tat, il sera d��montr�� au terme de notre d��marche que ce qui permet chez Spinoza la r��solution de cette tension entre le pouvoir de l�����tat et la libert�� des individus n���est rien d���autre que la d��mocratie.

Catholic worker movement: un an��lisis desde la acci��n pol��tica no violenta y la l��gica transnacional de los movimientos sociales

El Catholic Worker Movement se ha caracterizado por enmarcarse en las din��micas de movilizaci��n social y acci��n pol��tica no violenta, que respond��an, desde su creaci��n en 1933, a un conjunto de problem��ticas sociales y econ��micas sobre las cuales la sociedad civil se interes�� y dio inicio a su actividad en escenarios de la pol��tica dom��stica de Estados Unidos. Pese a ser un movimiento que surgi�� en un contexto nacional con fundamentaci��n religiosa, el CWM alcanz�� el desarrollo de l��gicas transnacionales que contribuyeron a la defensa de su causa y a la reivindicaci��n de valores y principios que motivar��an posteriormente a la b��squeda de recursos para reforzar su lucha. As��, el proceso de evoluci��n del movimiento tom�� direcci��n en torno a fen��menos como la difusi��n, la adquisici��n de repertorios de acci��n colectiva correspondientes a la no violencia, y al aprovechamiento de factores ex��genos y end��genos representados en distintas formas de oportunidad pol��tica y capacidad organizativa.

Cartas schillerianas: a concilia����o entre a dimens��o est��tica e pol��tica

Coordena����o de Aperfei��oamento de Pessoal de N��vel Superior (CAPES)

Desenvolvimento local sustent��vel como liberdade: uma experi��ncia de planejamento estrat��gico do Grupo de Mulheres Erva Vida

A presente disserta����o intitulada Desenvolvimento Local Sustent��vel como Liberdade: uma Experi��ncia de Planejamento Estrat��gico do Grupo de Mulheres Erva Vida tem como objetivo principal analisar as perspectivas das participantes do grupo Erva Vida na discuss��o de estrat��gias que contribuam para o processo de desenvolvimento local sustent��vel. Alicer��a seu arcabou��o te��rico, na apropria����o do conceito de Instrumental Freedoms (IF���s) , discutidas por Amartya Sen (2000). S��o ao mesmo tempo o fim e o meio do processo de desenvolvimento. Est��o entrela��adas e se fortalecem �� medida que s��o alcan��adas. Essas liberdades instrumentais foram denominadas de political freedom; econ��mic facilities; social opportunities; transparency e guarantees e measures ensurig social protection and security. Para alcance dos resultados desta pesquisa, foram observados os aspectos internos e externos de uma organiza����o social e an��lise das perspectivas de remo����o de restri����es a essas liberdades, a partir de uma experi��ncia de Planejamento Estrat��gico conduzido junto ao grupo de mulheres Erva Vida, em Marapanim (PA). O grupo foi selecionado a partir de uma a����o de economia solid��ria, desenvolvida pelo laborat��rio de Etnofarm��cia, do N��cleo de Meio Ambiente da UFPA com uma associa����o de mulheres do bairro Sossego, no distrito de Marud��, em Marapanim (PA) envolvidas na produ����o de rem��dios artesanais. Considerando os resultados desta pesquisa, os produtos diretos constituem-se no documento de planejamento estrat��gico do grupo e num manual de orienta����o para facilitadores de planejamento local. Esses produtos podem contribuir indiretamente para o aperfei��oamento das pol��ticas p��blicas de desenvolvimento sustent��vel local na regi��o amaz��nica, contribuindo, em linhas gerais, diretamente nas ferramentas para formula����o de propostas para gest��o de recursos naturais.