993 resultados para Personal diary


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According to Bakhtin (1997), is as the genre entered into a speech, linked to certain field of human activity, that the subject of language and appropriates constitutes. Some of these fields have more close with the daily activities of individuals than others and produce more malleable, genres that allow greater individual interventions, as in the case of personal journal. Due to the intimate character of this genre, it attracted our attention and invited us to examine it more closely. In this paper, we investigate the personal diary genre, from the analysis of two documents written by ordinary people, in an attempt to learn a little bit more about the genre, of the writers and how their relationship with the language. To this end, two adults female people, provided us with their personal logs for analysis. Theoretically, we rely on the assumptions of Mikhail Bakhtin (1997) on the genres of discourse and the work developed by researcher Philippe Lejeune (2008) about autobiographical texts written by ordinaries people. The analysis of the diaries showed that, in addition to record experiences and feelings of the people, they were used as instrument of prayer to one of the person and as a means of creating a public image of himself, to the other.

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A diary entry taken from the personal diary of Ethelwyn Wetherald circa. 1839. This particular entry dated March 10 and March 11 includes a poem. She first states "still snowing" then follows with a poem with death as the subject "Because Death took you from me". Following the poem is the line "sent to L.H.J" March 11. The Diary consists of addresses, 'to do' lists, poems and observations. Diary contains at least 14 poems handwritten by Wetherald during the year 1839.

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My text is an attempt to apply Charles Taylor’s theory, dealing with the origins of the modern self, to Czech autobiographical literature originating in Romanticism. Taking a cue from Jean Starobinski and Philippe Lejeune’s concepts of modern autobiography, I analyse Karel Hynek Mácha’s personal diary from 1835 and try to find and emphasize its narrative and compositional aspects, which anticipate the poetics of modern poetic diaries.

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When people work from home, the domains of home and work are co-located, often under one roof. Home-workers have to cope with the meeting of two practices that have traditionally been physically separated. In light of this, we need to understand: how do people who work from home negotiate the boundaries between their home and work practices? What kinds of boundaries do people construct? How do boundaries affect the relationship between home and work as domains? What kinds of boundaries are available to home-workers? Are home-workers in charge of their boundaries or do they co-create them with others? How does this position home-workers in their domains? In order to address these questions, I analysed a variety of data, including newspaper columns, online forum discussions, interviews, and personal diary entries, using a discourse analytic approach that lends itself to issues of positioning. Current literature clashes over whether home-workers are in control of their boundaries, and over the relationship between home and work that arises out of boundary negotiations, i.e. whether home and work are dichotomous or layered. I seek to contribute to boundary theory by adopting a practice theory stance (Wenger, 1998) to guide my analysis. By viewing home and work as practices, I show that boundary negotiations depend on how home-workers are positioned, e.g. if they are positioned as peripheral in a domain, they lack influence over boundaries. I demonstrate that home and work constitute a number of different practices, rather than a rigid dichotomy, and that the way home and work are related are not the same for all home-workers. The application of practice concepts further shows how relationships between practices are created. The contribution of this work is a reconceptualisation of current boundary theory away from individual and cognitive notions (Nippert-Eng, 1996) into the realm of positioning.

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The case study looked at psychological and physiological responses to stress in musicians, comparing a newly formed and a consolidated violin-piano duo. The common element between these duos was the pianist. Using the psychological tests (STAI Y1 and Y2, K-MPAI, MMPI-2, ICAC), the immunoassay saliva test to measure cortisol (stress hormone) and non- invasive device VitalJacket® developed at the University of Aveiro, Portugal, participants were monitored under various performance conditions. Others quantitative and qualitative dataset were collected including a pianist’s personal diary (analyzed by psychiatrist), semi-structured interviews with members of long-terms chamber music duo and perceptual evaluations (listening test) of the performances by expert listeners. The variables included two performance venues (European university and secondary school), as well as well-known repertoire, recently known repertoire and newly known repertoire. The latter was given approximately one week before each recital. The psychological and physiological dataset were collected for a total of eight recitals – two series of four recitals each. The unexpected results show that state anxiety levels and stress of the pianist, who does not present an anxious profile, either in social or in musical terms, are always higher when playing with a well-known partner. Possible explanations may be due to the highest expectations for quality of performance and implications of mirror neurons (since the reactions are very different according to the partner). In other words, the “known” (i.e., the consolidated duo) can become “trapped” within a predetermined space, especially at the psychological level, while the “unknown” (the occasional duo) seems to be less involved and therefore more reassuring and exciting in positive terms. In addition, the preference of the expert audience is for the consolidated duo.

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RÉSUMÉ Les répercussions du sida sur la communauté intellectuelle préfiguraient un changement certain dans l’esthétique littéraire contemporaine. Le témoignage de l’expérience individuelle de l’écrivain, à cet instant de désarroi collectif et de répression sociale à l’égard de la communauté homosexuelle, cherchait à provoquer une reconfiguration de l’espace de l’aveu par la projection du sujet privé dans la sphère publique. Cette posture de mise à nu avait déjà vu le jour dans les écrits féministes des années 70, mais elle a subi dans les années 80 et 90 une transformation importante puisque c’est le sujet masculin qui s’est exposé par la médiation du corps dans le récit de la maladie à l’heure du sida. Les discours de l’intime tentaient de rapprocher les espaces social et littéraire tout en affirmant des formes définies par des éthiques et des esthétiques hétérogènes. La période d’écriture de la maladie, qui clôt l’oeuvre de Guibert, est caractérisée par l’ancrage du contexte social de l’épidémie du sida. Par conséquent, les trois récits qui la fondent, soit À l’ami qui ne m’a pas sauvé la vie (1990), Le protocole compassionnel (1991) et Cytomégalovirus (1992), constituent le triptyque sur lequel s’appuiera ma réflexion, auquel s’ajoute le journal tenu par Guibert depuis son adolescence jusqu’à sa mort, Le mausolée des amants (2001), qui a été publié dix ans après la disparition de l’auteur. Cette oeuvre s’inscrit en partie dans cette mouvance du témoignage de la maladie, qui prend place entre 1987 et 1991, période pendant laquelle l’écrivain sent sa vulnérabilité sur le plan de sa santé. Il est proposé d’étudier à travers ces écrits l’écriture de l’aveu et de la dénonciation, telle qu’elle est pensée chez Guibert. Il s’agira de réfléchir sur les stratégies et les fonctions du témoignage littéraire d’une telle expérience à travers la mise en récit du sujet. Une problématique traverse toutefois cette posture de mise en danger individuelle où la nécessité de se révéler est l’objet d’un non-consensus. Or, cette recherche d’intensité par l’aveu, qui repose sur la maladie, la sexualité et la mort, veut dépasser sa dimension apocalyptique en tentant d’inscrire l’oeuvre dans une éthique sociale. De ce fait, le dévoilement, sur le mode de la dénonciation, s’oriente sur la dimension collective en prenant à partie la société et la communauté.

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À l’image des théories de la bande dessinée imprimée, la BD numérique est elle aussi accaparée par les analyses formalistes, dont la plus connue, celle de Scott McCloud, est critiquable, car elle réduit le média à un langage. Or, les mutations provoquées par la remédiation numérique ne sont pas uniquement formelles : l’expérience du lecteur, de l’auteur, et le rapport qu’ils entretiennent ensemble sont modifiés. Ce nouveau rapport influence le contenu des œuvres : on ne raconte pas la même chose dans le livre que sur Internet. L’autobiographie en BD, courant qui a explosé dans l’édition indépendante des années 1990, puis a été largement repris par les blogueurs, permet d’observer les différences de contenus et d’approches véhiculées par le livre et le numérique. Le dispositif du blogue propose un outil de liberté d’expression et de réflexion, mais les paramètres de son exécution (immédiateté, interactivité, désir de popularité, etc.) peuvent détourner cet objectif. Ainsi, beaucoup d’auteurs de blogues n’ont pas produit une autobiographie singulière, mais ont reproduit un courant de pensée existant (en exposant une libido fortement orientée vers la consommation) ainsi qu’un genre codifié, au sein duquel les autobiographies deviennent uniformes. Pour qualifier leurs blogues, on ne peut pas vraiment parler d’autobiographies, car ils ne mettent pas en scène un passé rétrospectif. Il s’agirait davantage de journaux intimes dont l’intimité est communiquée (ou publicisée) plutôt qu’expérimentée. Ce à quoi ces blogues ressemblent finalement le plus, c’est à une sorte de télé-réalité, une « bédé-réalité ».

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Studies about discursive genres peak at a necessity to understand how these genres work in a society that is more and more submissive to the technology of informatics such as ours. In acknowledging that the virtual context of the Internet provides the manifestation and development of new genres of the discourse, we perceived that the online journal, or blog, as commonly known, is responsible for a variety of linguistic phenomena that would normally take severaI years to consolidate. Since its appearance in 1997 blogs rush as a virtual version of the personal diary and in a short time due to communicative demands suffers several changes, making new categories of blog genres emerge. Facing such phenomena, this work intends at first to characterize blogs as a genre that exercises a social action, evidencing its formal, structural and pragmatic characteristics from the notion of recurrence and rhetoric in a discursive-semiotic perspective. The methodological postulates adopted by this research are considered of qualitative basis in the sense that they are not restricted to looking at the discursive events as a product, but mainly they take into consideration a group of situational, cultural and ideologic factors that are present in the constitution of genre.

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Este artigo pretende discutir como se articulam, na estrutura híbrida do romance Como agua para chocolate, alguns gêneros textuais discursivos comumente dedicados à leitura de mulheres – folhetim, almanaque, caderno de receitas e diário íntimo –, cuja presença fica sugerida desde o subtítulo “novela de entregas mensuales, con recetas, amores y remedios caseros”. Esses gêneros se misturam na construção da narrativa, possibilitando, no âmbito da pós-modernidade, uma leitura crítica do papel da mulher na sociedade patriarcal da primeira metade do século XX.

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The reduction of CO2 emissions and social exclusion are two key elements of UK transport strategy. Despite intensive research on each theme, little effort has so far been made linking the relationship between emissions and social exclusion. In addition, current knowledge on each theme is limited to urban areas; little research is available on these themes for rural areas. This research contributes to this gap in the literature by analysing 157 weekly activity-travel diary data collected from three case study areas with differential levels of area accessibility and area mobility options, located in rural Northern Ireland. Individual weekly CO2 emission levels from personal travel diaries (both hot exhaust emission and cold-start emission) were calculated using average speed models for different modes of transport. The socio-spatial patterns associated with CO2 emissions were identified using a general linear model whereas binary logistic regression analyses were conducted to identify mode choice behaviour and activity patterns. This research found groups that emitted a significantly lower level of CO2 included individuals living in an area with a higher level of accessibility and mobility, non-car, non-working, and low-income older people. However, evidence in this research also shows that although certain groups (e.g. those working, and residing in an area with a lower level of accessibility) emitted higher levels of CO2, their rate of participation in activities was however found to be significantly lower compared to their counterparts. Based on the study findings, this research highlights the need for both soft (e.g. teleworking) and physical (e.g. accessibility planning) policy measures in rural areas in order to meet government’s stated CO2 reduction targets while at the same time enhancing social inclusion.

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Exposure to ultrafine particles (UFPs) is deemed to be a major risk affecting human health. Therefore, airborne particle studies were performed in the recent years to evaluate the most critical micro-environments, as well as identifying the main UFP sources. Nonetheless, in order to properly evaluate the UFP exposure, personal monitoring is required as the only way to relate particle exposure levels to the activities performed and micro-environments visited. To this purpose, in the present work, the results of experimental analysis aimed at showing the effect of the time-activity patterns on UFP personal exposure are reported. In particular, 24 non-smoking couples (12 during winter and summer time, respectively), comprised of a man who worked full-time and a woman who was a homemaker, were analyzed using personal particle counter and GPS monitors. Each couple was investigated for a 48-h period, during which they also filled out a diary reporting the daily activities performed. Time activity patterns, particle number concentration exposure and the related dose received by the participants, in terms of particle alveolar-deposited surface area, were measured. The average exposure to particle number concentration was higher for women during both summer and winter (Summer: women 1.8×104 part. cm-3; men 9.2×103 part. cm-3; Winter: women 2.9×104 part. cm-3; men 1.3×104 part. cm-3), which was likely due to the time spent undertaking cooking activities. Staying indoors after cooking also led to higher alveolar-deposited surface area dose for both women and men during the winter time (9.12×102 and 6.33×102 mm2, respectively), when indoor ventilation was greatly reduced. The effect of cooking activities was also detected in terms of women’s dose intensity (dose per unit time), being 8.6 and 6.6 in winter and summer, respectively. On the contrary, the highest dose intensity activity for men was time spent using transportation (2.8 in both winter and summer).

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Exposure assessment studies conducted in developing countries have been based on fixed-site monitoring to date. This is a major deficiency, leading to errors in estimating the actual exposures, which are a function of time spent and pollutant concentrations in different microenvironments. This study quantified school children’s daily personal exposure to ultrafine particles (UFP) using real-time monitoring, as well as volatile organic compounds (VOCs) and NO2 using passive sampling in rural Bhutan in order to determine the factors driving the exposures. An activity diary was used to track children’s time activity patterns, and difference in mean exposure levels across sex and indoor/outdoor were investigated with ANOVA. 82 children, attending three primary schools participated in this study; S1 and S2 during the wet season and S3 during the dry season. Mean daily UFP exposure (cm-3) was 1.08 × 104 for children attending S1, 9.81 × 103 for S2, and 4.19 × 104 for S3. The mean daily NO2 exposure (µg m-3) was 4.27 for S1, 3.33 for S2 and 5.38 for S3 children. Likewise, children attending S3 also experienced higher daily exposure to a majority of the VOCs than those attending S1 and S2. Time-series of UFP personal exposures provided detailed information on identifying sources of these particles and quantifying their contributions to the total daily exposures for each microenvironment. The highest UFP exposure resulted from cooking/eating, contributing to 64% of the daily exposure, due to firewood combustion in houses using traditional mud cookstoves. The lowest UFP exposures were during the hours that children spent outdoors at school. The outcomes of this study highlight the significant contributions of lifestyle and socio-economic factors in personal exposures and have applications in environmental risk assessment and household air pollution mitigation in Bhutan.

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Digital image

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Oliver Rising (1775-1855) lived in Herkimer County, New York. He is buried in Cedar Lake Cemetery, Cedar Lake (part of the town of Litchfield) in Herkimer County, with his wife Hannah (1780-1855) and his son Oliver Rising Jr. (1817-1861).