Evaluation of the relationship between education and sustainability in peasant movements: The experience of the National Education Program in Agrarian Reform

Brazil is one of the largest agricultural producers in the world. However, its agrarian composition is based on two markedly different production models, particularly in relation to sustainability: a peasant family agriculture, which plays an important role in food production for domestic consumption and advocates agro-ecological practises; and agribusiness, the politically and economically hegemonic model that produces commodities for export based on monoculture and intensive use of pesticides. Therefore, in order to create the means to develop peasant lands, social movements and peasants have engaged themselves politically and defended an education model grounded in sustainable practises of production and social organisation. Taking this into account, the main purpose of this paper is to analyse and assess the Brazilian experience of integration between education and sustainability, in the National Education Program in Agrarian Reform (PRONERA). To accomplish this aim, a survey with a semi-structured questionnaire was carried out among teachers, students, monitors, and coordinators of the course offered by PRONERA. The surveys showed that the courses are promoting the concepts of sustainability among peasants. However, many adjustments need to be taken into consideration during the planning process for the next courses offered by PRONERA.

Camponeses Brazil's Peasant Movement in Historical Perspective (1946-2004)

Comparison of the histories of three leading peasant organizations in the Pontal do Paranapanema region of Brazil-the Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) from 1945 to 1964, the Confederacao Nacional de Trabalhadores na Agricultura (CONTAG) from 1964 to 1984, and the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra (MST) from 1984 to 2004-suggests that continuity is as important as change in understanding Brazilian peasant movements. The MST has been considered a "new social movement" in that it has eschewed partisan politics, incorporated families as members rather than just male heads of household, had a national scope and a participatory decision-making structure, and been attuned to the international struggle over globalization. Placing it in historical perspective makes it clear, however, that this is not the first time that militants have organized around the concept of peasants as a political identity; that while the representation of peasants in the leadership of contemporary rural labor organizations may be greater than in the past, earlier peasant leaders also struggled on behalf of their class; that earlier peasant organizations had, if not a national presence, a substantial presence in the agricultural states of the time; and that attempts at international organization to unite peasant struggles around the globe are not entirely new. This is not to deny the innovative features of contemporary movements but to suggest that the investigation of past achievements will contribute to a fuller appreciation of these movements' conditions and prospects.

La mobilisation sociopolitique paysanne et son impact sur le profil alimentaire : Chiapas, Mexique et Mindanao, Philippines comparés

Dans l’État mexicain du Chiapas et aux Philippines sur l’île de Mindanao, on retrouve des groupes paysans en révolte contre leurs gouvernements respectifs. À l’origine de ce conflit, on souligne une situation alimentaire difficile et des revendications concernant la terre, son partage et son usage. L’objectif de ce mémoire est de comparer les différents résultats que peuvent avoir des mobilisations sociopolitiques de type belliqueux et pacifique sur la situation alimentaire de populations paysannes. Pour y parvenir, le concept original de profil alimentaire est élaboré, se situant entre les notions de sécurité et de souveraineté alimentaire. Les hypothèses de recherche sont qu’une mobilisation sociopolitique belliqueuse entraîne une amélioration forte du profil alimentaire, qu’une mobilisation sociopolitique pacifique entraîne une amélioration notable du profil alimentaire et que l’absence de mobilisation laisse le profil alimentaire dans un état statique. Ce mémoire, utilisant l’anthropologie politique comme méthode de recherche et d’analyse, réussit à asseoir le concept de profil alimentaire qui permet de souligner l’évolution de la qualité d’alimentation et des pratiques agricoles.

Entre a independência e o endividamento: análise da contrarreforma agrária pelo Banco da Terra

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Por uma rebeldia mundial? Formação e ação territorial da Via Campesina no Brasil

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

"Representar y no mandar": Dirigentes campesinos en Santiago del Estero, Argentina

Este artículo indaga sobre el sistema de representación que operaba entre las organizaciones de distintos niveles -local, zonal y provincial- que conformaron el Movimiento Campesino de Santiago del Estero en el período 1990-2001. Se analiza, a través de un estudio de caso, el sistema de selección, formación y reemplazo de dirigentes en una organización local, desde la perspectiva de los involucrados. Se concluye que el sistema se basa en una norma fundamental que consiste en que los representantes "representen y no manden". Que "representen", porque se espera que sean portavoces, que transmitan las decisiones y consultas de un nivel organizativo al otro lo más fielmente posible a "las bases", a las familias miembros de la Comisión. Y que "no manden", es decir, que ese cargo de representante no implique un diferencial de poder sobre las otras familias. El sistema de rotación de representantes que sostienen para que esta norma de "representar y no mandar" se cumpla, presenta el desafío de capacitar nuevos representantes y de darle continuidad a la función de representación. Este sistema, que lleva a que los representantes no sean especialistas en la representación, impone restricciones al trabajo en el predio que comienza a generar tensión entre el compromiso con la organización y con el propio predio -y la familia- cuya resolución es incierta, y merece ser analizada en investigaciones futuras.

"Representar y no mandar": Dirigentes campesinos en Santiago del Estero, Argentina

Este artículo indaga sobre el sistema de representación que operaba entre las organizaciones de distintos niveles -local, zonal y provincial- que conformaron el Movimiento Campesino de Santiago del Estero en el período 1990-2001. Se analiza, a través de un estudio de caso, el sistema de selección, formación y reemplazo de dirigentes en una organización local, desde la perspectiva de los involucrados. Se concluye que el sistema se basa en una norma fundamental que consiste en que los representantes "representen y no manden". Que "representen", porque se espera que sean portavoces, que transmitan las decisiones y consultas de un nivel organizativo al otro lo más fielmente posible a "las bases", a las familias miembros de la Comisión. Y que "no manden", es decir, que ese cargo de representante no implique un diferencial de poder sobre las otras familias. El sistema de rotación de representantes que sostienen para que esta norma de "representar y no mandar" se cumpla, presenta el desafío de capacitar nuevos representantes y de darle continuidad a la función de representación. Este sistema, que lleva a que los representantes no sean especialistas en la representación, impone restricciones al trabajo en el predio que comienza a generar tensión entre el compromiso con la organización y con el propio predio -y la familia- cuya resolución es incierta, y merece ser analizada en investigaciones futuras.

"Representar y no mandar": Dirigentes campesinos en Santiago del Estero, Argentina

Este artículo indaga sobre el sistema de representación que operaba entre las organizaciones de distintos niveles -local, zonal y provincial- que conformaron el Movimiento Campesino de Santiago del Estero en el período 1990-2001. Se analiza, a través de un estudio de caso, el sistema de selección, formación y reemplazo de dirigentes en una organización local, desde la perspectiva de los involucrados. Se concluye que el sistema se basa en una norma fundamental que consiste en que los representantes "representen y no manden". Que "representen", porque se espera que sean portavoces, que transmitan las decisiones y consultas de un nivel organizativo al otro lo más fielmente posible a "las bases", a las familias miembros de la Comisión. Y que "no manden", es decir, que ese cargo de representante no implique un diferencial de poder sobre las otras familias. El sistema de rotación de representantes que sostienen para que esta norma de "representar y no mandar" se cumpla, presenta el desafío de capacitar nuevos representantes y de darle continuidad a la función de representación. Este sistema, que lleva a que los representantes no sean especialistas en la representación, impone restricciones al trabajo en el predio que comienza a generar tensión entre el compromiso con la organización y con el propio predio -y la familia- cuya resolución es incierta, y merece ser analizada en investigaciones futuras.

Armed Groups and Violence in Paraguay

Armed violence in Paraguay is not a recent phenomenon. During the second half of the XX Century, Paraguay saw the rise of a larger number of underground, revolutionary movements that sought the overthrow of the Alfredo Stroessner’s (1954-1989) government. From among those movements emerged the Partido Patria Libre (or, Free Fatherland, also known for its acronym PPL), made up of a two branches: one legal and the other one, operational. The latter was based on people’s power, as represented by “Ejército del Pueblo Paraguayo” (or, the Paraguayan People’s Army, with acronym EPP). After EPP broke with PPL in March 2008, this Marxist-oriented revolutionary project, which was apparently oriented to put an end to the social, political and economic inequalities in Paraguay, began to carry out markedly criminal activities, which included bank robberies, kidnappings, assassinations, terrorist attacks and armed confrontations. Its strategies and modus operandi utilized by the Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia (FARC). Paraguay features a farm sector in a state of crisis, in which cattle-ranchers, peasants and agro-exporting companies live in a constant strife. The Paraguayan Departments that are the most affected by this situation are Concepciόn, San Pedro, Canindeyú y Caazapá, which also suffer from a weak government presence. This deficiency has made these departments ripe for drug-trafficking activity by Brazilian groups such as Primer Comando Capital (i.e., First Capital command), also PCC and Comando Vermelho, (i.e., The Red Command). That is why many peasants, now recruited by EPP, have joined the drug-trafficking business and that, not only as marihuana growers but as “campanas” (i.e., early warning sentinels) for the organization. This helps shape their attitudes for their future involvement in all areas of drug-trafficking. Paraguayan society is the result of social inequity and inequality, such as those resulting from a lack of opportunity. Although Paraguay has successfully recovered from the last world economic crisis, economic growth, by itself, does not ensure an improvement in the quality of life. As long as such economic and social gaps persist and the government fails to enact the policies that would result in a more just society and toward EPP neutralization or containment, the latter is bound to grow stronger. In this context, the situation in Paraguay calls for more research into the EPP phenomenon. It would also seem necessary for Paraguay to promote an open national debate that includes all sectors of society in order to raise consciousness and to induce society to take actual steps to eliminate the EPP, as well as any other group that might arise in the immediate future. EPP has strong connections with the Frente Patriόtico Manuel Rodríguez in Chile and other armed groups and peasant movements in other countries of this region. Although most governments in the region are aware that the armed struggle is not a solution to current problems, it might be worth it to hold a regional debate about armed or insurgent groups in Latin American to seek common strategies and cooperation on dealing with them since the expansion of these armed groups is a problem for all.

Kinesiographic Study Of Masticatory Movements In Denture Wearers With Normal And Resorbed Denture-bearing Areas.

An unfavorable denture-bearing area could compromise denture retention and stability, limit mastication, and possibly alter masticatory motion. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the masticatory movements of denture wearers with normal and resorbed denture-bearing areas. Completely edentulous participants who received new complete dentures were selected and divided into 2 groups (n=15) according to the condition of their denture-bearing areas as classified by the Kapur method: a normal group (control) (mean age, 65.9 ± 7.8 years) and a resorbed group (mean age, 70.2 ± 7.6 years). Masticatory motion was recorded and analyzed with a kinesiographic device. The patients masticated peanuts and Optocal. The masticatory movements evaluated were the durations of opening, closing, and occlusion; duration of the masticatory cycle; maximum velocities and angles of opening and closing; total masticatory area; and amplitudes of the masticatory cycle. The data were analyzed by 2-way ANOVA and the Tukey honestly significant difference post hoc test (α=.05). The group with a resorbed denture-bearing area had a smaller total masticatory area in the frontal plane and shorter horizontal masticatory amplitude than the group with normal denture-bearing area (P<.05). Denture wearers with resorbed denture-bearing areas showed reduced jaw motion during mastication.

Mastication Movements And Sleep Quality Of Patients With Myofascial Pain: Occlusal Device Therapy Improvements.

Patients with myofascial pain experience impaired mastication, which might also interfere with their sleep quality. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the jaw motion and sleep quality of patients with myofascial pain and the impact of a stabilization device therapy on both parameters. Fifty women diagnosed with myofascial pain by the Research Diagnostic Criteria were enrolled. Pain levels (visual analog scale), jaw movements (kinesiography), and sleep quality (Epworth Sleepiness Scale; Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index) were evaluated before (control) and after stabilization device use. Range of motion (maximum opening, right and left excursions, and protrusion) and masticatory movements during Optosil mastication (opening, closing, and total cycle time; opening and closing angles; and maximum velocity) also were evaluated. Repeated-measures analysis of variance in a generalized linear mixed models procedure was used for statistical analysis (α=.05). At baseline, participants with myofascial pain showed a reduced range of jaw motion and poorer sleep quality. Treatment with a stabilization device reduced pain (P<.001) and increased both mouth opening (P<.001) and anteroposterior movement (P=.01). Also, after treatment, the maximum opening (P<.001) and closing (P=.04) velocities during mastication increased, and improvements in sleep scores for the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index (P<.001) and Epworth Sleepiness Scale (P=.04) were found. Myofascial pain impairs jaw motion and quality of sleep; the reduction of pain after the use of a stabilization device improves the range of motion and sleep parameters.