959 resultados para Participation democracy


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A Constituição federal e a Lei 8.142/90 definem a participação da comunidade como condição necessária para o funcionamento do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS). Tal definição constitucional surge no processo de l uta pela democratização do país e pela universalização dos direitos sociais, entre eles, o direito à saúde. Todavia, esse processo de democratização tem significado mais a adoção de procedimentos democráticos para organização do sistema político do que uma efetiva democratização das relações sociais pautadas pelos valores democráticos de igualdade e justiça social. No Brasil, a relação entre Estado e sociedade tem sido mediada por uma cultura política marcada pelo autoritarismo, patrimonialismo, clientelismo e o favor. Com o processo de democratização, na década de 1980, emergem elementos de uma nova cultura política adjetivada como democrática orientada pelos valores da autonomia, igualdade, solidariedade e justiça que passa a coexistir com a velha cultura. O objetivo geral deste estudo é analisar as práticas de participação presentes no Conselho Municipal de Saúde (CMS) de Fortaleza, no período de 1997-2005, e sua relação com a cultura política local. Para tanto partiu-se do principal pressuposto teórico: as práticas de participação exercidas nos conselhos de saúde inauguram uma nova institucionalidade que inclui novos sujeitos sociais os usuários na esfera pública, com as quais o processo de democratização amplia essa esfera, criando visibilidade para identificar o confronto entre a cultura política tradicional e a cultura política democrática. As técnicas de pesquisa utilizadas foram: a análise documental, a observação participante e a entrevista semiestruturada. A partir das diferentes evidências observadas no material empírico, identificou -se na análise dos dados a predominância da cultura política tradicional do autoritarismo e cooptação nas relações entre o poder público municipal e os representantes da sociedade civil ; e entre os conselheiros a tensão se manifestava na não-observância dos procedimentos democráticos, como eleições periódicas, respeito à lei e ao regimento que regula o funcionamento do CMS e no encaminhamento dos conflitos e disputas políticas. Quanto às práticas de participação, manifestaram-se de forma contraditória e dialética em ações caracterizadas pela crítica, denúncia, reivindicação, com poucas ações propositivas e na maioria das vezes tendo seu poder deliberativo desconsiderado pelo gestor. A condução política do conselho muitas vezes foi questionada, ocasionando crises de hegemonia e gerando conflitos e disputas pelo poder. A partir da análise desses conflitos e disputas políticas entre os grupos no interior do Conselho, tornou-se possível realizar uma leitura metódica acerca do confronto entre a cultura política tradicional e a democrática no CMS, constatando-se a predominância da primeira sobre a segunda. Por fim verificou-se o protagonismo do Ministério Público na resolução dos conflitos, em detrimento da força do melhor argumento. Em que pese a recorrente tutela do Ministério Público, foi pavimentado um caminho de resistências, ainda que minoritárias , contra a cultura política tradicional , cujas práticas de participação apresentam elementos constituintes para a sua transformação.

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O objetivo deste estudo é investigar sobre a participação e a democracia na escola, com base num estudo de caso. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa. Por meio de entrevista com o diretor e con-tatos com outros participantes na atividade da escola, procurou-se apreender como a democracia é entendida, quais as relações que os docentes estabelecem no interior da escola e como entendem o seu espaço de participação. Também procurámos, através da análise dos dados e da sua interpretação, reconhecer elementos significativos nos documentos que regem a vida da escola, nomeadamente o Regula-mento Interno. As reflexões finais desta pesquisa apontam para a necessidade de ampliação dos conceitos de democracia e participação e para a necessidade de formação docente voltada para as práticas participativas e democráticas e sua concretização no quotidiano escolar; ABSTRACT: The goal of this study is to investigate about participation and democracy at school, based on a study case. It is a qualitative re-search. Through interviews with the principal and contacts other par-ticipants in school action, we tried to realize how democracy is under-stood by them, which connections the teachers have inside school and how they see their space of participation. Also we tried, by the inter-pretative analysis of the data, recognize significant elements inside school documents, like Internal Rules. The final considerations of this research point to the necessity of an enlargement of the concepts of democracy and participation, and it is necessary that teachers reflect more deeply upon their participation and democratic practices and how these practices happen in school day by day.

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La presente investigación tiene por objetivo presentar un análisis teórico y práctico sobre una experiencia de construcción de identidad ciudadana como ejercicio político de algunos sectores de la sociedad civil, promovido por la organización no gubernamental, Corporación Viva la ciudadanía. Este trabajo buscó demostrar la hipótesis de que una organización social como Viva La Ciudadanía, ha logrado incidir en el establecimiento la cultura política deliberativa y participativa, a partir de los procesos que ha venido realizando en cuanto al seguimiento a políticas públicas, la formación de líderes,la producción y difusión de múltiples materiales pedagógicos, y en general, el desarrollo de toda su agenda programática.

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The rural settlements represent a mark in the expensive historical process of fight by the land in Brazil. At first offer basic terms of survival, through the access the land and of the fundamental supports for exploration. At the same time, have stimulated organization forms politicizes of the families who manage to work with the new challenges of the everyday. The moment that follows the land conquest, and therefore, the settlements construction while life and work project, it is crossed for objective and subjective demands, with highlight for options of agricultural production and strategies of collective action. Originally formed as representation instance legitimates of the families - front to the government and social actors - the settlers associations are private spaces for political sociability, that guided by principles participative, can lead the settlers the new conquests through indeed democratic experiences. The goal of this work is to comprehend the participation forms in the scope of these associations and the way as that translates in life best terms for the group, from the settlements experiences located in the Territories of the Citizenship Mato Grande and Açu-Mossoró, in Rio Grande do Norte's State. The theoretical conceptions that guide this analysis are concentrate on discussions about democracy and participation (Patermam, Putnam, Bodernave) and in the reflections about the rural world (Medeiros, Martins, Woodman e Woodman and Bergamansco). About methodological, different point of view strategies were developed: The direct observation, the application in locate of questionnaires to the families settlers and interviews semi-structured with the internal leaderships. With that could verify that the participation forms in the associations operate in two heartfelt: Of a side, they promote assimilation opportunities of democratic abilities accompanied of notions of social rights and redefinition of political standards; Of another, it offers indeed the possibility of the settlers lead, with relative autonomy, the political organization and her changes in direction to a way of life that wish to have in the settling

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One of the agreements assumed at the conference of the United Nations for the Environments and Development which took place in Rio de Janeiro in 1992; through Global Agenda 21, was that the signatory countries would create a national Politics of sustainable development, by means of their national Agenda 21. Demonstrating the relevance of municipal districts and the local communities, during the definitions of new development standards compromised to the transformation of the society, socia1ly and environmentally well-balanced world, it was also agreed on that places under the responsibilities of the municipal districts would promote their own local Agenda 21. We need to point out though that the government has the prerogative and the responsibly of facilitating the population participation process in the construction of national and local Agenda. This made it possible again, to plan the scheming process directly towards the insertion of population participation at the different levels, involving the entire local sectors while establishing a new local partnership through the local municipal government. Thus, we decide to verify the participation of the population in the construction of their local Agenda 21, choosing for the study case Parnamirim municipality from RN. The question which originated the objectives and analysis was formulated on the following terms: Up to which stage was the process of population participation effective in the elaboration of Parnamirims's local Agenda 21? Based on this uneasiness, it was defined as the general objective, the verification of population participation process during the elaboration of Parnamirims's local Agenda 21, aiming at its effectiveness as well as specific objectives; to identify the population representivity, the construction of the local AG 21 in order to identify on which level is the participation based, to verify the strategies used in order to promote the process participation, to identify the motives guiding those involved in the construction of the local Agenda 21. This case study at Parnamirim municipal district demonstrated that there was effective population participation as far as the local Agenda 21 is concerned

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Our object is to analyze the experiences in participative management in the cities o Natal and Maceió. The center of our interests is to evaluate if the operational changes in public administration in Brazil have really caused transformations in the municipal government which tend to constitute democracy in our country. The enlargement of civil society participation experiences in public management (at least as a proposal) has led to a great diversity of results even when executed by individuals from the same political party or with the same ideological interests. Thus, we investigate why the participative management process takes place in different forms even when the managers belong to the same party and share the same ideas. We based our analysis in the analytical scheme developed by Esping-Andersen (1991) in his studies about the cause for different welfare states in the world. We defend the thesis that the specifities in management are explained through an integrative analysis between the capacity of organization existent in society, the kind of govern coalition and the institutional legacy present in both cities. The complete analysis of the two experiences studied shows that there are similarities specially in the mayors government forms and in the importance they give in their speech to the participation of society as the element which sustains the management. Nevertheless, although both mayors are connected to the political party project, there are also differences in the advance of such process mainly because of the basis work performed by the left party among the popular movement, the kind of govern coalition which has been developed in the city and by the institutional legacy left by the former administration

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The shift from 20th century mass communications media towards convergent media and Web 2.0 has raised the possibility of a renaissance of the public sphere, based around citizen journalism and participatory media culture. This paper will evaluate such claims both conceptually and empirically. At a conceptual level, it is noted that the question of whether media democratization is occurring depends in part upon how democracy is understood, with some critical differences in understandings of democracy, the public sphere and media citizenship. The empirical work in this paper draws upon various case studies of new developments in Australian media, including online- only newspapers, developments in public service media, and the rise of commercially based online alternative media. It is argued that participatory media culture is being expanded if understood in terms of media pluralism, but that implications for the public sphere depend in part upon how media democratization is defined.

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The shift from 20th century mass communications media towards convergent media and Web 2.0 has raised the possibility of a renaissance of the public sphere, based around citizen journalism and participatory media culture. This paper will evaluate such claims both conceptually and empirically. At a conceptual level, it is noted that the question of whether media democratization is occurring depends in part upon how democracy is understood, with some critical differences in understandings of democracy, the public sphere and media citizenship. The empirical work in this paper draws upon various case studies of new developments in Australian media, including online- only newspapers, developments in public service media, and the rise of commercially based online alternative media. It is argued that participatory media culture is being expanded if understood in terms of media pluralism, but that implications for the public sphere depend in part upon how media democratization is defined.

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The shift from 20th century mass communications media towards convergent media and Web 2.0 has raised the possibility of a renaissance of the public sphere, based around citizen journalism and participatory media culture. This paper will evaluate such claims both conceptually and empirically. At a conceptual level, it is noted that the question of whether media democratization is occurring depends in part upon how democracy is understood, with some critical differences in understandings of democracy, the public sphere and media citizenship. The empirical work in this paper draws upon various case studies of new developments in Australian media, including online-only newspapers, developments in public service media, and the rise of commercially based online alternative media. It is argued that participatory media culture is being expanded if understood in terms of media pluralism, but that implications for the public sphere depend in part upon how media democratization is defined.

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This paper investigates in how to utilize ICT and Web 2.0 technologies and e-democracy software for policy decision-making. It introduces a cutting edge decision-making system that integrates the practice of e-petitions, e-consultation, e-rulemaking, e-voting, and proxy voting. The paper demonstrates how under precondition of direct democracy through the use this system the collective intelligence (CI) of a population would be gathered and used throughout the policy process.

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A typical characteristic of the ongoing practice of democracy in Singapore has been described by some scholars as 'illiberal democracy'. Noting that Singapore 's brand of democracy operates within a 'dominant, one-party system', other scholars cushioned such a democratic practice by their reference to 'semi-democracy', 'controlled democracy, 'guided democracy, and 'communitarian democracy'. However, despite the demonstration that there are many restrictions in the type of democracy that exists in Singapore, the benefits are numerous. Singapore is the only country in the world to have transformed itself from a developing country to a developed country in less than only forty years. But its slower move towards a culture ofparticipation must move as quickly as globalization does if it is to remain in relevant and legitimate democracy. If the younger generation understands that they should have the right to a voice before the government acknowledges it, the transition could be more tumultuous than necessary.

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This study examines the Chinese press discussion about democratic centralism in 1978-1981 in newspapers, political journals and academic journals distributed nationwide. It is thus a study of intellectual trends during the Hua Guofeng period and of methods, strategies, and techniques of public political discussion of the time. In addition, this study presents democratic centralism as a comprehensive theory of democracy and evaluates this theory. It compares the Chinese theory of democratic centralism with Western traditions of democracy, not only with the standard liberal theory but also with traditions of participatory and deliberative democracy, in order to evaluate whether the Chinese theory of democratic centralism forms a legitimate theory of democracy. It shows that the Chinese theory comes close to participatory types of democracy and shares a conception of democracy as communication with the theory of deliberative democracy. Therefore, the Chinese experience provides some empirical evidence of the practicability of these traditions of democracy. Simultaneously, this study uses experiences of participatory democracies outside of China to explain some earlier findings about the Chinese practices. This dissertation also compares Chinese theory with some common Western theories and models of Chinese society as well as with Western understandings of Chinese political processes. It thus aims at opening more dialogue between Chinese and Western political theories and understandings about Chinese polity. This study belongs to scholarly traditions of the history of ideas, political philosophy, comparative politics, and China studies. The main finding of this study is that the Chinese theory of democratic centralism is essentially a theory about democracy, but whether its scrupulous practicing alone would be sufficient for making a country a democracy depends on which established definition of democracy one applies and on what kind of democratic deficits are seen as being acceptable within a truly democratic system. Nevertheless, since the Chinese theory of democratic centralism fits well with some established definitions of democracy and since democratic deficits are a reality in all actual democracies, the Chinese themselves are talking about democracy in terms acceptable to Western political philosophy as well.