Political ideologies and attitudes towards income inequality in the US: a critical discourse analysis of CNN and Fox News opinion articles

The topic of the thesis is media discourse about current state if income inequality in the US, and political ideologies as influences behind the discourse. The data consists of four opinion articles, two from CNN and two from Fox News. The purpose of the study was to examine how media represents income inequality as an issue, and if the attitudes conveyed are concerned or indifferent. Previous studies have indicated that the level of income is often seen as a personal responsibility, and such perspective can be linked with Republican ideology. In contrast, the Democrats typically express more concern about the consequences of inequality. CNN has been previously considered to have a Democratic bias, and Fox News has been considered to have Republican bias, which is one reason why these two news channels were chosen as the sources of the data. The study is a critical discourse analysis, and the methods applied were sociocognitive approach, which analyzes the social and cognitive factors affecting the discourse, and appraisal framework, which was applied to scrutinize the expressed attitudes more closely by identifyind specific linguistic features. The appraisal framework includes studying such features as affect, judgment and appreciation, which offer a more detailed analysis on the attitudes present in the articles. The sociocognitive approach, additionally, offers a way of analyzing a more broad context affecting the articles. The findings were then compared, to see if there are differences between the articles, or between the news sites with alleged bias. The findings showed that CNN, with alleged Democratic bias, had a more symphatetic attitude towards income inequality, whereas Fox News, with more Republican views, showed clearly less concern towards the issue. Moreover, the Fox News articles had such dubious claims that the underlying ideology behind the articles could be even supporting of income inequality, as it allows the rich to pursue all the wealth they can without having to give anything away. The results, thus, suggest that the political ideologies may a significant effect on media discourse, which, in turn, may have a significant effect on the attitudes of the public towards great issues that could require prompt measures.

Resistência e Clandestinidade

Neste artigo a reflexão incide sobre a formação, a prática e a ideologia dos movimentos de libertação, como o ponto mais alto da resistência moçambicana ao regime colonial português. As balizas cronológicas deste nosso estudo, o tempo - de 1926 a 1962 - favorece a forma por nós eleita: a clandestinidade, num modo ascendente do protesto à luta armada, a análise de uma prática conspirativa, no quadro do nacionalismo. Os conceitos operativos de resistência, clandestinidade, repressão, violência e emancipação permitem-nos delimitar o tratamento de fontes à questão principal – a ligação entre as associações africanas e os movimentos de libertação. Nunca é por demais destacar a importância do tema. O seu aprofundamento levar-nos-á a analisar o contexto histórico do surgimento e implantação dos movimentos de libertação, compreender o seu papel, analisar a estratégia e a táctica seguidas, compreender a natureza violenta do colonialismo português, bem como o papel da violência na emancipação do povo moçambicano. A metodologia seguida, do estudo de trabalhos já produzidos à pesquisa de fontes escritas e orais que cruzámos e interpretámos, procurando novos caminhos que se afastam da história oficial e, abrem novas perspectivas para compreender a fragilidade e as limitações das iniciativas africanas na luta pela independência.

Ler em tempo livre durante o Estado Novo: A função do suplemento infantil Pim-Pam-Pum na formação da criança

RESUMO: Esta dissertação tem como objectivo compreender a influência da ideologia do Estado Novo nos conteúdos inseridos no suplemento infantil Pim-Pam-Pum. Visa ainda relacionar, num determinado momento temporal o suplemento infantil de um dos jornais mais lidos da época O Século, com a ideologia do Estado Novo. Procura identificar os valores incutidos nos números a analisar no Pim-Pam-Pum num período de dois anos. O período histórico em análise do suplemento infantil Pim-Pam-Pum compreende os exemplares entre 1953 a 1955. Como principais conclusões do estudo retira-se que o suplemento infantil procurava educar o seu público de forma lúdica. Por outro lado, transmitia e incutia em colaboração com a família os principais valores salazaristas. A imprensa escrita passa a ser uma arma de propaganda ideológica do Estado Novo numa tentativa de conter informação desfavorável ao regime perante as pressões internas e externas. Com a institucionalização da censura após a segunda Guerra Mundial, a vigilância e o exame das publicações dos organismos competentes em colaboração com a própria auto-censura dos jornalistas, simplificou-se. No entanto a imprensa procurou cumprir com a sua missão de divulgação cultural e lúdica através de jornais diários, revistas e suplementos infantis. ABSTRACT:The aim of this dissertation is to understand the influence of the ideology of the "Estado Novo" in the contents inserted in the children's supplement Pim-Pam-Pum. It also aims to relate, in a certain historical period, the children’s supplement of one of the most important newspapers of the time, "O Século", with the ideology of the "Estado Novo". In addition, it intends to identify the values ingrained in the numbers to be analysed in Pim-Pam-Pum in a period of two years. The period under analysis of the children's supplement Pim-Pam-Pum includes the numbers from 1953 to 1955. One of the main conclusions of this study is that the children's aforementioned supplement aimed to educate its audience in a joyful manner. On the other hand, it transmitted as well as inculcated with the families’ collaboration the main Salazarist values. The press becomes a weapon of ideological propaganda of the "Estado Novo" in an attempt to keep harmful information to the regime from the internal and external pressures. With the institucionalization of censorship after the Second World War, the careful surveillance of publications by the competent and relevant organisms in collaboration with the censorship made by the journalists themselves, was simplified. However, the press tried to accomplish its mission of cultural and playful diffusion by means of newspapers, magazines and children's supplements.

O preço da água nos municípios portugueses: quais as razões para as suas disparidades?

Dissertação de mestrado em Economia Monetária, Bancária e Financeira

Utopia?: probablement potser...

L'objectiu d'aquest treball és que l'autor derivi en testimoni de la societat a partir d'enquestes i dels seus propis textos, que exemplifiquen situacions diverses. Tot regit per una voluntat que més o menys expressada, dirigeix l'acció dels homes: l'esperança en un món millor que en cap lloc es troba, ni en altres temps. L'autor fent-se ressò d'un humanisme tormentat s'insereix en experiències literàries, que són mirall de l'home coetani. De tota manera mai no oblida els intents que en el passat han portat els homes a imaginar indrets de felicitat. És per això la constant recurrència a les utopies literàries. En contrast amb les enquestes realitzades apel·lant a les diverses ideologies polítiques. Com a conclusió el treball ens aporta la idea que la vida segueix i paral·lela a ella, segueix la vida literària, i totes dues són fonament de la utopia. És a dir, que podem fer nostre, altra vegada, el vell aforisme enigmàtic i totalitzador que ens anuncia que 'el camí s'ha iniciat i el viatge s'ha acabat'.

Why are people liberal? : a motivated social cognition perspective

The present dissertation examined why people adopt or endorse certain political ideologies (i.e., liberal or conservative). According to a motivated social cognition perspective (Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003a; Kruglanslpolitical ideologies to fulfill dispositional and situationally induced needs or motivations. Previous research has found that political conservatism is related to a number of psychological needs (e.g., Jost, Glaser et aI., 2003a). However, there is minimal research examining why individuals adopt political liberalism. By focussing on the political right and not considering the political left, there might be other motivational underpinnings of political orientation that have been overlooked. In four studies, the present dissertation ail)1ed to fill this gap by investigating what chronic and situationally induced needs underlie political orientation, with a focus on political liberalism. Based on psychological the9ries of ideology, research examining political conservatism, and experimental research examining differences between liberals and conservatives, it was proposed that four social-cognitive needs (Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, Need for Change, and Avoidance of Decisional Commitment) would be associated with liberalism. Moreover, research suggests that the relations between the needs and liberalism might be moderated by political sophistication (e.g., Converse, 1964). University students (Study 1; n == 201) and community adults (Study 2; n == 197) completed questionnaires assessing political liberalism, political sophistication, and individual differences 're~ective of the four proposed needs. As predicted, correlation and hierarchical regression analyses in both Studies 1 and 2 indicated that political liberalism was related to Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, and Need for Change. 11 Avoidance of Decisional Commitment uniquely predicted political liberalism in Study 2; however, contrary to predictions, it was unrelated to political liberalism in Study 1. Furthermore, some of these relations were moderated by political sophistication, such that among individuals with a greater knowledge of politics, the relation between certain needs and liberalism was positive. To explore the role of situationally induced needs on political liberalism, each of the four proposed needs were manipulated in Study 3. Participants (n == 120) completed one of five scrambled-sentence tasks (one for each need condition and control condition), measures of explicit and implicit political liberalism, political sophistication, and state and trait measures indicative of the four proposed needs. The ~anipulation did not successfully prime participants with the needs. Therefore, a replication of the analyses from Studies 1 and 2 was conducted on the dispositional needs. Results showed that Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, and Need for Change were linked with greater explicit and implicit political liberalism. Study 4 examined the effect of manipulated Need for Inclusiveness on participants' endorsement ofpolitical liberalism, independent of conservatism. Participants (n == 43) were randomly assigned to a Need for Inclusiveness or control condition, and completed separate measures of political liberalism and conservatism, and political sophistication. Participants in the Need for Inclusiveness condition reported greater liberalism than those in a control condition; this effect was not moderated by political sophistication. Generally, the findings from this dissertation suggest that there might be other needs underlying political ideology, especially political liberalism. Thus, consistent with others' (Jost, Glaser et aI., 2003a), individuals might adopt political liberalism as a way of gratifying certain psychological needs. Implications and future research are discussed.

"Created in China" : l'émergence de nouvelles subjectivités dans l'industrie du cinéma indépendant chinois en contexte postsocialiste

In the current contemporary Chinese context, still caught up with a governmental censorship of the media productions as well as information circulation, creators must find diverse ways to express themselves freely. Several styles of cinemas cohabit in this country hustled by political ideologies. Two main categories are divided, opposed and intermingled, the “mainstream” cinema and the “independent” cinema. It is via the medium of cinema and more particularly that of the present generation of Chinese directors that will be highlighted the emergence of new creative subjectivities. These subjectivities are in a constant dance with the State in the reaching of professional achievement while maintaining the status of artistic independence. The author will look into the evolution of the notion of Chinese identity from the 1990s until today. Rising from an opposition between tradition and modernism, the formation of new subjectivities is founded on a constant negotiation with the imposing forces of globalization but also in relation with the Chinese State. One currently speaks about an easing of communist rigidity and even the emergence of neoliberal tendencies. This would lead to the creation of a Chinese identity, brought up to date in tune with the assertion of individual desires at the expense of the community. The collective experiment is set aside to make room for the subjectivity of creative individuals, who create while positioning themselves as a unit in interrelationship with society.

Surgimiento y consolidación de la Nueva Ultraderecha europea a largo plazo, bajo el marco de la Unión Europea

El tema de investigación se relaciona con la disciplina, ya que resulta imprescindible el estudio sobre la posibilidad y viabilidad que tienen los gobiernos de Nueva Derecha, en un proceso de integración tan importante a nivel político, comercial, económico y social como la Unión Europea.

O poder simbólico dos manuais escolares de língua portuguesa: revelação e ocultação

RESUMO: Este estudo tem como propósito compreender as ideologias, os valores, as representações sociais e os estereótipos difundidos pelos manuais escolares de Língua Portuguesa. Para atingirmos esta finalidade procedemos, inicialmente, à definição do corpus e, em seguida, à análise de conteúdo dos textos de sete manuais, do 7º ano de escolaridade, ainda em vigor. A análise dos mesmos foi realizada a partir de oito categorias que estabelecemos após uma leitura flutuante: família, religião, educação, amor, amizade, ética ambiental, poder e sonho. Os dados recolhidos foram trabalhados quantitativa e qualitativamente de acordo com a metodologia proposta por Lawrence Bardin (1997). Os manuais escolares estudados evidenciaram-se detentores de paradigmas ideológicos repressivos e homogéneos assim como reprodutores de valores tradicionalistas implícitos que visam a consubstanciação de uma mundividência ocidental que luta pela inalterabilidade das relações de género, dos valores morais, éticos e religiosos que prevalecem na sociedade e servem os desígnios da classe dominante. Confidentes de um poder simbólico que os caracteriza os manuais escolares visam a conservação das relações sociais e a sua unificação, ignorando a diversidade cultural, o multiculturalismo e as relações interculturais inerentes ao mundo social. ABSTRACT: This study aims to understand the ideologies, values, social representations and stereotypes disseminated by the Portuguese language textbooks. To achieve this purpose we began by defining the corpus and then we analyzed the content of seven 7th grade textbooks still in use. The analysis was done in eight categories established from an initial reading: family, religion, education, love, friendship, environmental ethics, power and dream. The data collected was analyzed qualitatively and quantitatively according to the methodology proposed by Lawrence Bardin (1997). The textbooks studied contained repressive and homogeneous ideological paradigms, as well as traditionalist implicit breeding values which pursue the implementation of a Western worldview that struggles to maintain both gender relations and moral, ethical and religious values that prevail in society and serve the ambitions of the ruling class. Confident of a symbolic power that characterize school textbooks, they aim to preserve social relationships and their unification, ignoring cultural diversity, multiculturalism and the intercultural relations that exist in the social world.

Esquerda-Direita: uma dicotomia atual ou anacrónica?

A partir da Revolução francesa, a dicotomia esquerda-direita domina a referência interpretativa das ideologias. Ser de «esquerda» ou ser de «direita» invoca valores que fazem parte da afirmação política dos indivíduos e dos partidos. Apesar das críticas, a díade permanece atual e necessária no discurso político-ideológico.

Mistificação e política : ideologia e mito

Esta dissertação tem como fim último aplainar o caminho para um profícuo debate entre o marxismo e a Ciência Política. Para isso procura responder aos questionamentos feitos pelo mainstream do campo contra o marxismo como um suposto economicismo. A dissertação principia relocalizando, a partir das obras dos fundadores do marxismo, Karl Marx e Friedrich Engels, e de seus mais destacados seguidores, Vladimir Lénine, Antonio Gramsci e Louis Althusser, a verdadeira relação entre as esferas material e ideal, bem como assim entre economia e política. Como elemento exemplificador da importância da política e da esfera ideal para o marxismo se tratará daquele elemento que propicia a ação social sobre si mesma e sua base material, a consciência. Será então o objeto central desta dissertação o estudo de uma forma de consciência criticada pelo marxismo sob o nome de ideologia: a consciência mistificada. Esta se expressará em duas formas distintas: a ideologia e o mito. Define-se então os dois conceitos de forma inovadora e finaliza-se com o estudo de um caso específico de ideologia, o sebastianismo, em sua distinta expressão no sertão brasileiro. Se enfocará um dos movimentos menos conhecidos, o do Reino da Pedra Encantada do Rodeador.

National experiences with insurgencies and counterinsurgencies: are there “National styles”?

There are clearly identifiable patterns in the way in which insurgents operate in certain geographic areas and cultures, and in which states deal with them. These have been stressed by writing about national "ways of war", strategic culture, or national styles. Nevertheless, there have been important ruptures and changes in some of these, so that for Britain, for example, three successive phases corresponding to patterns can be identified. For France, two pronounced rivaling traditions coincided over two centuries. Algerians by contrast changed fundamentally in their fighting style with the different political ideologies they were following. Palestinian insurgency against Israel is also marked by change in approach. Russia and China possibly show the longest continuity in their handling of insurgencies.

Accountability and ideology: when left looks right and right looks left

Abstract Managers face hard choices between process and outcome systems of accountability in evaluating employees, but little is known about how managers resolve them. Building on the premise that political ideologies serve as uncertainty-reducing heuristics, two studies of working managers show that: (1) conservatives prefer outcome accountability and liberals prefer process accountability in an unspecified policy domain; (2) this split becomes more pronounced in a controversial domain (public schools) in which the foreground value is educational efficiency but reverses direction in a controversial domain (affirmative action) in which the foreground value is demographic equality; (3) managers who discover employees have subverted their preferred system favor tinkering over switching to an alternative system; (4) but bipartisan consensus arises when managers have clear evidence about employee trustworthiness and the tightness of the causal links between employee effort and success. These findings shed light on ideological and contextual factors that shape preferences for accountability systems.

A luta pela independência na Guiné-Bissau e os caminhos do projeto educativo do PAIGC: etnicidade como problema na construção de uma identidade nacional

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

Masculinities in Conflict: Representations of the Other in Narrative during the Spanish Civil War

In this article, I analyze the representation of the Other in three texts that were published during the Spanish Civil War: El infierno azul (1938?), by Republican Isidro R. Mendieta, and two closely related works by Falangist Jacinto Miquelarena: Cómo fui ejecutado en Madrid (1937) and El otro mundo: La vida en las embajadas de Madrid (1938). Although these texts adhere to different political ideologies and are stylistically very divergent, they are similar in their constant criticisms of the enemy. Furthermore, both Republicans and rebels tend to depict the enemy as possessing an inadequate masculinity. He is described, on one hand, as a beast or an animal, unable to control his instincts, and, on the other hand, as an unmanly and effeminate coward. Thus, for the construction of the nation, the Other presents an inappropriate masculinity, which is either excessive and uncontainable, or insufficient. Therefore, national ideologies seem to propose a normative masculinity that is located in an ambiguous middle ground: a masculinity that is able to control animal instincts yet capable of heroic acts.