817 resultados para POLITICAL ASYLUM


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"In the new world order, differences in political ideology have given way to differences in economic conditions between nation states as the prompting force for the outflow of would-be refugees and asylum seekers. In part, these pressures are associated with the political disintegration of the poorer republics of the former Soviet Union and its former satellite nations into ethnic enclaves. But the most endemic of the new contributory pressures are emanating from North-South economic differences between the "have" and "have-not" nations."

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The design of each are drawn in the miniature style of postage stamps and include mock postage prices. Presumably the method was inspired by the shortage of paper in the camp.GURS in Southern France, where these works were done, but the format is also used to stress the Irony of the content, especially in the Trio of designs marked "Liberte-Egalite-Fraternite. Aside from one marked "Avion de Gurs", all other are simply labelled "GURS" at the bottom, as is this were the country of origin of a postal system.

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The designs are drawn in the miniature style of postage stamps and include mock postage prices. Presumably this method was inspired by the shortage of paper at the camp in Gurs, Southern France, where these works were done; but specially this format is also used to stress the irony of the content, especially in the trio of design marked "Liberte-Egalite-Fraternite", aside from one marked "Avion de Gurs", all others are labelled simply " Gurs ", at the bottom as if this were the country of origin of a postal system.

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The designs are drawn in the miniature style of postage stamps and include mock postage prices. Presumably this method was inspired by the shortage of paper at the camp in Gurs, Southern France, where these works were done; but specially this format is also used to stress the irony of the content, especially in the trio of design marked "Liberte-Egalite-Fraternite", aside from one marked "Avion de Gurs", all others are labelled simply " Gurs ", at the bottom as if this were the country of origin of a postal system.

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O objetivo desta dissertação é discutir o lugar que o fazer literário ocupa no processo de resistência à poderes hegemônicos. Como fontes primárias centrais, foram escolhidos o romance histórico The Farming of Bones (1998) e a narrativa autobiográfica Brother, Im Dying (2007), ambos escritos pela autora haitiana-americana Edwidge Danticat. Em The Farming of Bones, Danticat reconstrói ficcionalmente o trágico e obscuro episódio ocorrido em 1937 quando o então ditador da República Dominicana, Rafael Trujillo, ordenou o extermínio de todos os haitianos que residiam e trabalhavam em cidades dominicanas próximas à fronteira com o Haiti. O silêncio por parte dos governos de ambos os países em torno do massacre ainda perdura. A publicação do romance histórico de Danticat 61 anos após tal ato de terrorismo de Estado se torna, desta forma, exemplo de como o fazer literário e o fazer histórico podem fundir-se. Em Brother, Im Dying, Danticat narra a história da vida e da morte de suas duas figuras paternas, seu pai Andre (Mira) Dantica e seu tio Joseph Dantica (que a criou dos 4 aos 12 anos, no Haiti). Joseph, sobrevivente de um câncer de laringe, foi pastor batista e fundador de uma igreja e uma escola no Haiti. Morreu dois dias depois de pedir asilo político nos EUA e ser detido na prisão Krome, em Miami. Mira, que migrara no início da ditadura de François Duvalier para os EUA, onde trabalhou como taxista, morreu vítima de fibrose pulmonar poucos meses depois de seu irmão mais velho. Edwidge Danticat recebeu a notícia de que o quadro de seu pai era irreversível no mesmo dia em que descobriu que está grávida de sua primeira filha. Com uma escrita que abrange tanto a narrativa de si quanto a narrativa do outro, além das esferas públicas e privadas, Danticat cria em Brother, Im Dying um locus de fazer auto/biográfico que dialoga com questões de diáspora, identidade cultural e memória. Os ensaios publicados em Create Dangerously (2010) e as várias entrevistas concedidas por Danticat também reforçam meu argumento que Edwidge Danticat exerce seu papel de artista engajada através de seu fazer principalmente, mas não exclusivamente literário. Desta forma, a autora constrói uma possibilidade de resistência ao discurso hegemônico que opera tanto em seu país de origem quanto em seu país de residência.

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A problemática jurídica da detenção de requerentes de asilo e de imigrantes irregulares assume uma especial relevância no período da nossa história coletiva, em que o fenómeno migratório, em pleno século XXI (século do movimento dos povos)tenderá cada vez mais a condicionar e a pulverizar as políticas públicas estaduais e supra estaduais. Como fenómeno político, económico, social, religioso e cultural, o fenómeno migratório, goste-se mais ou menos dele, aborde-se de forma mais generalizada ou mais pormenorizada, vai quase obrigatoriamente ter de estar nas prioridades políticas, legislativas e jurídicas dos Estados europeus e também ao nível das Instituições da União Europeia. Muito do futuro da Europa e de Portugal está umbilicalmente associado, política e juridicamente, à forma como souberem trabalhar a imigração em cada uma das suas múltiplas variáveis. Desde logo, dedicando especial atenção a variáveis, como o envelhecimento populacional e as taxas de fecundidade e natalidade, entre muitas outras. Fiel ao seu passado coletivo, faz sentido que a Europa e Portugal da diversidade, da tolerância, do respeito pelos direitos humanos, mesmo em momentos de crise económica e social, como o que vivemos atualmente, não deverão transigir nos seus princípios humanistas e de influência cristã.

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Immigration to Australia has long been the focus of negative political interest. In recent times, the proposal of exclusionary policies such as the Malaysia Deal in 2011 has fuelled further debate. In these debates, Federal politicians often describe asylum seekers and refugees as ‘illegal’, ‘queue jumpers’, and ‘boat people’. This paper investigates how the political discourse constructs asylum seekers and refugees during debates surrounding the Malaysia Deal in the Federal Parliament of Australia in 2011. Hansard Parliamentary debates were analysed to identify the underlying themes and constructions that permeate political discourse about asylum seekers and refugees. This paper argues that a dichotomous characterisation of legitimacy pervades their construction with this group constructed either as legitimate humanitarian refugees or as illegitimate ‘boat arrivals’. These constructions result in the misrepresentation of asylum seekers as illegitimate, undermining their right to protection under Australia’s laws and international obligations. This construction also represents a shift in federal political discourse from constructing asylum seekers as a border or security threat, towards an increasing preoccupation with this categorisation of people as legitimate, or illegitimate.

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Immigration to Australia has long been the focus of negative political interest. In recent times, the proposal of exclusionary policies such as the Malaysia Deal in 2011 has fuelled further debate. In these debates, Federal politicians often describe asylum seekers and refugees as ‘illegal’, ‘queue jumpers’, and ‘boat people’. This article examines the political construction of asylum seekers and refugees during debates surrounding the Malaysia Deal in the Federal Parliament of Australia. Hansard parliamentary debates were analysed to identify the underlying themes and constructions that permeate political discourse about asylum seekers and refugees. We argue that asylum seekers arriving in Australia by boat were constructed as threatening to Australia’s national identity and border security, and were labelled as ‘illegitimate’. A dichotomous characterisation of legitimacy pervades the discourse about asylum seekers, with this group constructed either as legitimate humanitarian refugees or as illegitimate ‘boat arrivals’. Parliamentarians apply the label of legitimacy based on implicit criteria concerning the mode of arrival of asylum seekers, their respect for the so-called ‘queue’, and their ability to pay to travel to Australia. These constructions result in the misrepresentation of asylum seekers as illegitimate, undermining their right to protection under Australia’s laws and international obligations.

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In 1997, the Australian government introduced regulations restricting work rights, income and Medicare access to asylum seekers living in the community on Bridging Visa E (BVE). These visa conditions have resulted in unacceptable hardship for asylum seekers. In response, a variety of community-based agencies have been established across Australia. This study documents and collates the experiences of some of these agencies working in Victoria. These organizations maintain a high degree of inter-agency communication and liaison, have an extensive community support network by way of volunteer work and financial assistance from philanthropic organizations and the public, and have developed successful alternative models of care for asylum seekers. However, many of the agencies have been unprepared and under-resourced for the specific legal, cultural, and health concerns common to asylum seekers on BVE. A discussion of the issues faced by the community sector in the current asylum seeker/refugee political context is presented

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In recent years, there has been a rise in the number of people seeking asylum in Australia, resulting in over-crowded detention centres in various parts of the country. Appropriate management and assistance of asylum seekers has been an issue of major socio-political concern. In mid-2012, the Australian ruling government introduced a ‘first of its kind’ community placement initiative, which involved relocating low-risk asylum seekers from detention centres to homes of those Australian families who volunteered for this program. The present study investigated host families’ motivations for volunteering into this scheme and their resulting experiences. Twenty-four men and women from all over Australia were interviewed in person or over the telephone. Consistent with theoretical frameworks of altruism, acculturation, and intergroup contact, thematic analysis indicated participants’ interest in diversity/humanitarian issues were major factors that motivated them to host asylum seekers. Language and cultural barriers were reported as challenges, but generally, participants found the experience positive and rewarding. The initiative was regarded as an excellent avenue of learning about new cultures. The hosts played a strong role in promoting the English language proficiency and intercultural settlement of the asylum seekers. The scheme was considered as one way of diffusing fear/biases against asylum seekers prevalent amongst the Australian community at-large. Participants also provided suggestions to improve the scheme.

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The experience of border crossing for refugees and irregular migrants challenges global border and migration controls in multiple contexts. Using qualitative field research in Tanzania, Spain, Morocco and Australia, Heather Johnson asks how a global regime of migration management and control can be perceived through the dynamics of particular border spaces: refugee camps, border zones and detention centres. She explores how irregular migrants are impacted by the increasingly security-oriented practices of border control, and how they confront these practices. Johnson rejects the characterization of border spaces as exceptional, abject and exclusionary, arguing instead for an understanding of politics as everyday contestation that reveals a radical political agency, re-imagining the global non-citizen as a transgressive and powerful figure. Building on recent scholarship that rethinks irregularity and non-citizenship, her conclusions have broad implications for how we understand irregular migration from a position of dialogue and solidarity.

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Since 2012, refugee protest camps and occupations have been established throughout Europe that contest the exclusion of refugees and asylum seekers, but that also make concrete demands for better living conditions and basic rights. It is a movement that is led by migrants as noncitizens, and so reveals new ways of thinking of the political agency and status of noncitizenship not as simply reactive to an absence of citizenship, but as a powerful and transgressive subjectivity in its own right. This paper argues that we should resist collapsing analysis back into the frameworks of citizenship, and instead be attentive to the politics of presence and solidarity manifest in these protest camps as a way of understanding, and engaging, noncitizen activism.