Hydrocarbon biodegradation and soil microbial community response to repeated oil exposure

Bioremediation strategies continue to be developed to mitigate the environmental impact of petroleum hydrocarbon contamination. This study investigated the ability of soil microbiota, adapted by prior exposure, to biodegrade petroleum. Soils from Barrow Is. (W. Australia), a class A nature reserve and home to Australia’s largest onshore oil field, were exposed to Barrow production oil (50 ml/kg soil) and incubated (25 °C) for successive phases of 61 and 100 days. Controls in which oil was not added at Phase I or II were concurrently studied and all treatments were amended with the same levels of additional nutrient and water to promote microbial activity. Prior exposure resulted in accelerated biodegradation of most, but not all, hydrocarbon constituents in the production oil. Molecular biodegradation parameters measured using gas chromatography–mass spectrometry (GC–MS) showed that several aromatic constituents were degraded more slowly with increased oil history. The unique structural response of the soil microbial community was reflected by the response of different phospholipid fatty acid (PLFA) sub-classes (e.g. branched saturated fatty acids of odd or even carbon number) measured using a ratio termed Barrow PLFA ratio (B-PLFAr). The corresponding values of a previously proposed hydrocarbon degrading alteration index showed a negative correlation with hydrocarbon exposure, highlighting the site specificity of PLFA-based ratios and microbial community dynamics. B-PLFAr values increased with each Phase I and II addition of production oil. The different hydrocarbon biodegradation rates and responses of PLFA subclasses to the Barrow production oil probably relate to the relative bioavailability of production oil hydrocarbons. These different effects suggest preferred structural and functional microbial responses to anticipated contaminants may potentially be engineered by controlled pre-exposure to the same or closely related substrates. The bioremediation of soils freshly contaminated with petroleum could benefit from the addition of exhaustively bioremediated soils rich in biota primed for the impacting hydrocarbons.

Elf ERAP en Irak, de 1968 à 1977

Dès sa création en 1966, l’ERAP s’est fixé pour but d’accroître la production du pétrole « franc », en diversifiant ses sources d’approvisionnement. Un tel objectif prend une tournure cruciale dès lors que les rapports tendus entre le groupe français et les autorités algériennes semblent menacer ses acquis dans le Sahara. Toutefois, se tailler une place sur le marché mondial semble à cette époque une tâche ardue, voire improbable, puisque les espaces les plus pétrolifères sont déjà occupés par les grandes sociétés, dites Majors. Néanmoins, la société d’État française réussit à s’implanter dans plusieurs pays producteurs, dont l’Irak en 1968, jusqu’alors considéré comme la chasse gardée de la Compagnie française des pétroles (CFP). Aussi, l’expérience irakienne, suite à l’insuccès en Algérie, incite Elf ERAP à se concentrer dans les pays pétroliers de l’Afrique subsaharienne et en Mer du Nord. Le 3 février 1968, Elf ERAP signe un accord avec la compagnie d’État pétrolière, INOC, pour se charger de la prospection et de l’exploitation d’une partie du territoire confisqué par l’État irakien à la puissante Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC). En contrepartie de ses apports financiers et techniques, Elf ERAP sera rémunérée par un approvisionnement garanti en pétrole irakien : il s’agit d’un nouveau genre de partenariat, dit « contrat d’agence ». Ce dernier succède au système classique des concessions et vaut à la société d’État un franc succès dans son projet de pénétration au Moyen Orient. Très vite, les prospections donnent lieu à la découverte de gisements. La production démarre en 1976 et s’élève à 5 millions de tonnes en 1977. Dès lors, Elf ERAP, devenue la SNEA, peut envisager avec optimisme son avenir énergétique, puisque sa sécurité d’approvisionnement est, en partie, assurée par le marché irakien. Mais, contre toute attente, le groupe d’État français se retire de l’affaire en mai 1977, laissant place à l’INOC, qui prend en charge le projet deux ans avant la date prévue par le contrat initial de 1968. Ce sujet de recherche consiste à éclaircir le rôle d’opérateur joué par l’ERAP en Irak, entre 1968 et 1977. Pour tenter d’expliquer le départ prématuré d’Elf Irak, il nous faut identifier les facteurs endogènes et exogènes qui ont pu motiver une telle décision. Autrement dit, la société d’État aurait-elle subi les revers de ses propres choix énergétiques ou un tel dénouement serait-il imputable à la politique pétrolière irakienne? Quelles sont les implications de la conjoncture pétrolière internationale dans le cas d’un tel retrait? Aidée des archives historiques d’Elf et de TOTAL, nous sommes arrivée à la conclusion que la compression du marché pétrolier, entre distributeurs et producteurs, au cours des années 1970, a considérablement nui à la rentabilité des contrats intermédiaires du type agence.

Materials for a history of oil painting /

Mode of access: Internet.

Confiscation; a history of the oil industry in Bolivia.

Mode of access: Internet.

Toxic state–corporate crimes, Neo-liberalism and green criminology : the hazards and legacies of the oil, chemical and mineral industries

This paper uses examples from the history and practices of multi-national and large companies in the oil, chemical and asbestos industries to examine their legal and illegal despoiling and destruction of the environment and impact on human and non-human life. The discussion draws on the literature on green criminology and state-corporate crime and considers measures and arrangements that might mitigate or prevent such damaging acts. This paper is part of ongoing work on green criminology and crimes of the economy. It places these actions and crimes in the context of a global neo-liberal economic system and considers and critiques the distorting impact of the GDP model of ‘economic health’ and its consequences for the environment.

Bioremediation of diesel oil contaminated soil and water

Diesel spills contaminate aquatic and terrestrial environments. To prevent the environmental and health risks, the remediation needs to be advanced. Bioremediation, i.e., degradation by microbes, is one of the suitable methods for cleaning diesel contamination. In monitored natural attenuation technique are natural processes in situ combined, including bioremediation, volatilization, sorption, dilution and dispersion. Soil bacteria are capable of adapting to degrade environmental pollutants, but in addition, some soil types may have indigenous bacteria that are naturally suitable for degradation. The objectives for this work were (1) to find a feasible and economical technique to remediate oil spilled into Baltic Sea water and (2) to bioremediate soil contaminated by diesel oil. Moreover, the aim was (3) to study the potential for natural attenuation and the indigenous bacteria in soil, and possible adaptation to degrade diesel hydrocarbons. In the aquatic environment, the study concentrated on diesel oil sorption to cotton grass fiber, a natural by-product of peat harvesting. The impact of diesel pollution was followed in bacteria, phytoplankton and mussels. In a terrestrial environment, the focus was to compare the methods of enhanced biodegradation (biostimulation and bioaugmentation), and to study natural attenuation of oil hydrocarbons in different soil types and the effect that a history of previous contamination may have on the bioremediation potential. (1) In the aquatic environment, rapid removal of diesel oil was significant for survival of tested species and thereby diversity maintained. Cotton grass not only absorbed the diesel but also benefited the bacterial growth by providing a large colonizable surface area and hence oil-microbe contact area. Therefore use of this method would enhance bioremediation of diesel spills. (2) Biostimulation enhances bioremediation, and (3) indigenous diesel-degrading bacteria are present in boreal environments, so microbial inocula are not always needed. In the terrestrial environment experiments, the combination of aeration and addition of slowly released nitrogen advanced the oil hydrocarbon degradation. Previous contamination of soil gives the bacterial community the potential for rapid adaptation and efficient degradation of the same type of contaminant. When the freshly contaminated site needs addition of diesel degraders, previously contaminated and remediated soil could be used as a bacterial inoculum. Another choice of inoculum could be conifer forest soil, which provides a plentiful population of degraders, and based on the present results, could be considered as a safe non-polluted inoculum. According to the findings in this thesis, bioremediation (microbial degradation) and monitored natural attenuation (microbial, physical and chemical degradation) are both suitable techniques for remediation of diesel-contaminated sites in Finland.

Identification of the egg, early life history and spawning areas if the anchoveta, Cetengraulis mysticetus (Günther), in the Gulf of Panama

ENGLISH: The egg of the anchoveta, Cetengraulis mysticetus (Günther), was identified in the Gulf of Panama by its size, difference in diurnal period of spawning, seasonal occurrence (October to January) and relative abundance. It is pelagic, translucent and oval with mean dimensions of 1.166 mm. and 0.558 mm. for the long and short axes respectively. The egg membrane is unsculptured, the yolk mass is markedly segmented, and no oil globule or pigmentation is present. It was not found in the plankton from mid-January 1957 until the latter part of the following September; during this period the gonads of the anchoveta were immature. Only one other anchovy egg, spawned during the same diurnal period, is sufficiently similar in dimensions to be confused with that of the anchoveta; however, it is slightly smaller. SPANISH: El huevo de la anchoveta, Cetengraulis mysticetus (Günther), fué identificado en el Golfo de Panamá por su tamaño, diferencias en el período diario de desove, su abundancia en la temporada (de octubre a enero) y por su abundancia relativa. El huevo es pelágico, translúcido, oval y con dimensiones promedio de 1.166 mm. y 0.558 mm. para los ejes largo y corto, respectivamente. La membrana es lisa, el vitelo está francamente segmentado y no posee ningún glóbulo graso o pigmentación. El huevo de la anchoveta no se encontró en el plancton en el período comprendido entre mediados de enero y fines de septiembre de 1957; durante este lapso las gónadas estuvieron inactivas.

History of whaling in and near North Carolina

This study aims to reconstruct the history of shore whaling in the southeastern United States, emphasizing statistics on the catch of right whales, Eubalaena glacialis, the preferred targets. The earliest record of whaling in North Carolina is of a proposed voyage from New York in 1667. Early settlers on the Outer Banks utilized whale strandings by trying out the blubber of carcasses that came ashore, and some whale oil was exported from the 1660s onward. New England whalemen whaled along the North Carolina coast during the 1720s, and possibly earlier. As some of the whalemen from the northern colonies moved to Nortb Carolina, a shore-based whale fishery developed. This activity apparently continued without interruption until the War of Independence in 1776, and continued or was reestablished after the war. The methods and techniques of the North Carolina shore whalers changed slowly: as late as the 1890s they used a drogue at the end of the harpoon line and refrained from staying fast to the harpooned whale, they seldom employed harpoon guns, and then only during the waning years of the fishery. The whaling season extended from late December to May, most successfully between February and May. Whalers believed they were intercepting whales migrating north along the coast. Although some whaling occurred as far north as Cape Hatteras, it centered on the outer coasts of Core, Shackleford, and Bogue banks, particularly near Cape Lookout. The capture of whales other than right whales was a rare event. The number of boat crews probably remained fairly stable during much of the 19th century, with some increase in effort in the late 1870s and early 1880s when numbers of boat crews reached 12 to 18. Then by the late 1880s and 1890s only about 6 crews were active. North Carolina whaling had become desultory by the early 1900s, and ended completely in 1917. Judging by export and tax records, some ocean-going vessels made good catches off this coast in about 1715-30, including an estimated 13 whales in 1719, 15 in one year during the early 1720s, 5-6 in a three-year period of the mid to late 1720s, 8 by one ship's crew in 1727, 17 by one group of whalers in 1728-29, and 8-9 by two boats working from Ocracoke prior to 1730. It is impossible to know how representative these fragmentary records are for the period as a whole. The Carolina coast declined in importance as a cruising ground for pelagic whalers by the 1740s or 1750s. Thereafter, shore whaling probably accounted for most of the (poorly documented) catch. Lifetime catches by individual whalemen on Shackleford Banks suggest that the average annual catch was at least one to two whales during 1830·80, perhaps about four during the late 1870s and early 1880s, and declining to about one by the late 1880s. Data are insufficient to estimate the hunting loss rate in the Outer Banks whale fishery. North Carolina is the only state south of New Jersey known to have had a long and well established shore whaling industry. Some whaling took place in Chesapeake Bay and along the coast of Virginia during the late 17th and early 18th centuries, but it is poorly documented. Most of the rigbt whales taken off South Carolina, Georgia, and northern Florida during the 19th century were killed by pelagic whalers. Florida is the only southeastern state with evidence of an aboriginal (pre-contact) whale fishery. Right whale calves may have been among the aboriginal whalers' principal targets. (PDF file contains 34 pages.)

History of Whaling and Estimated Kill of Right Whales, Balaena glacialis, in the Northeastern United States, 1620–1924

This study, part of a broader investigation of the history of exploitation of right whales, Balaena glacialis, in the western North Atlantic, emphasizes U.S. shore whaling from Maine to Delaware (from lat. 45°N to 38°30'N) in the period 1620–1924. Our broader study of the entire catch history is intended to provide an empirical basis for assessing past distribution and abundance of this whale population. Shore whaling may have begun at Cape Cod, Mass., in the 1620’s or 1630’s; it was certainly underway there by 1668. Right whale catches in New England waters peaked before 1725, and shore whaling at Cape Cod, Martha’s Vineyard, and Nantucket continued to decline through the rest of the 18th century. Right whales continued to be taken opportunistically in Massachusetts, however, until the early 20th century. They were hunted in Narragansett Bay, R.I., as early as 1662, and desultory whaling continued in Rhode Island until at least 1828. Shore whaling in Connecticut may have begun in the middle 1600’s, continuing there until at least 1718. Long Island shore whaling spanned the period 1650–1924. From its Dutch origins in the 1630’s, a persistent shore whaling enterprise developed in Delaware Bay and along the New Jersey shore. Although this activity was most profi table in New Jersey in the early 1700’s, it continued there until at least the 1820’s. Whaling in all areas of the northeastern United States was seasonal, with most catches in the winter and spring. Historically, right whales appear to have been essentially absent from coastal waters south of Maine during the summer and autumn. Based on documented references to specific whale kills, about 750–950 right whales were taken between Maine and Delaware, from 1620 to 1924. Using production statistics in British customs records, the estimated total secured catch of right whales in New England, New York, and Pennsylvania between 1696 and 1734 was 3,839 whales based on oil and 2,049 based on baleen. After adjusting these totals for hunting loss (loss-rate correction factor = 1.2), we estimate that 4,607 (oil) or 2,459 (baleen) right whales were removed from the stock in this region during the 38-year period 1696–1734. A cumulative catch estimate of the stock’s size in 1724 is 1,100–1,200. Although recent evidence of occurrence and movements suggests that right whales continue to use their traditional migratory corridor along the U.S. east coast, the catch history indicates that this stock was much larger in the 1600’s and early 1700’s than it is today. Right whale hunting in the eastern United States ended by the early 1900’s, and the species has been protected throughout the North Atlantic since the mid 1930’s. Among the possible reasons for the relatively slow stock recovery are: the very small number of whales that survived the whaling era to become founders, a decline in environmental carrying capacity, and, especially in recent decades, mortality from ship strikes and entanglement in fishing gear.

The Great Whales: History and Status of Six Species Listed as Endangered Under the U.S. Endangered Species Act of 1973

In the history of whaling from prehistoric to modern times, the large whales, sometimes called the “great whales,” were hunted most heavily owing in part to their corresponding value in oil, meat, and baleen. Regional populations of North Atlantic right whales, Eubalaena glacialis glacialis, were already decimated by 1700, and the North Atlantic gray whale, Eschrichtius robustus, was hunted to extinction by the early 1700’s (Mitchell and Mead1).

Population Biology and Life History of the North American Menhadens, Brevoortia spp.

Four recognized species of menhaden, Brevoortia spp., occur in North American marine waters: Atlantic menhaden, B. tyrannus; Gulf menhaden, B. patronus; yellowfin menhaden. B. smithi; and finescale menhaden, B. gunteri. Three of the menhaden species are known to form two hybrid types. Members of the genus range from coastal waters of Veracruz, Mex., to Nova Scotia, Can. Atlantic and Gulf menhaden are extremely abundant within their respective ranges and support extensive purse-seine reduction (to fish meal and oil) fisheries. All menhaden species are estuarine dependent through late larval and juvenile stages. Depending on species and location within the range, spawning may occur within bays and sounds to a substantial distance offshore. Menhaden are considered to be filter-feeding, planktivorous omnivores as juveniles and adults. Menhaden eggs, immature developmental stages, and adults are potential prey for a large and diverse number of predators. North American menhadens, including two hybrids, are hosts for the parasitic isopod, Olencira praegustator, and the parasitic copepod, Lemaeenicus radiatus. Although the data are quite variable, a dome-shaped Ricker function is frequently used to describe the spawner-recruitment relationship for Atlantic and Gulf menhaden. Each of these species is treated as a single stock with respect to exploitation by the purse-seine reduction fishery. Estimates of instantaneous natural (other) mortality rates are O.45 for Atlantic menhaden and 1.1 for Gulf menhaden.

The early life history of swordfish (Xiphias gladius) in the western North Atlantic

Lengths and ages of sword-fish (Xiphias gladius) estimated from increments on otoliths of larvae collected in the Caribbean Sea, Florida Straits, and off the southeastern United States, indicated two growth phases. Larvae complete yolk and oil globule absorption 5 to 6 days after hatching (DAH). Larvae <13 mm preserved standard length (PSL) grow slowly (~0.3 mm/d); larvae from 13 to 115 mm PSL grow rapidly (~6 mm/d). The acceleration in growth rate at 13 days follows an abrupt (within 3 days) change in diet, and in jaw and alimentary canal structure. The diet of swordfish larvae is limited. Larvae <8 mm PSL from the Caribbean, Gulf of Mexico, and off the southeastern United States eat exclusively copepods, primarily of one genus, Corycaeus. Larvae 9 to 11 mm eat copepods and chaetognaths; larvae >11 mm eat exclusively neustonic fish larvae. This diet indicates that young larvae <11 mm occupy the near-surface pelagia, whereas, older and longer larvae are neustonic. Spawning dates for larvae collected in various regions of the western North Atlantic, along with the abundance and spatial distribution of the youngest larvae, indicate that spawning peaks in three seasons and in five regions. Swordfish spawn in the Caribbean Sea, or possibly to the east, in winter, and in the western Gulf of Mexico in spring. Elsewhere swordfish spawn year-round, but spawning peaks in the spring in the north-central Gulf of Mexico, in the summer off southern Florida, and in the spring and early summer off the southeastern United States. The western Gulf Stream frontal zone is the focus of spawning off the southeastern coast of the United States, whereas spawning in the Gulf of Mexico seems to be focused in the vicinity of the Gulf Loop Current. Larvae may use the Gulf of Mexico and the outer continental shelf off the east coast of the United States as nursery areas. Some larvae may be transported northward, but trans-Atlantic transport of larvae is unlikely.

Paragenetic history of the Ordovician Trenton Group carbonates, Southwestern Ontario

Geochemical examination of the rock matrix and cements from core material extracted from four oil wells within southwestern Ontario suggest various stages of diagenetic alteration and preservation of the Trenton Group carbonates. The geochemical compositions of Middle Ordovician (LMC) brachiopods reflect the physicochemical water conditions of the ambient depositional environment. The sediments appear to have been altered in the presence of mixed waters during burial in a relatively open diagenetic microenvironment. Conodont CAl determination suggests that the maturation levels of the Trenton Group carbonates are low and proceeded at temperatures of about 30 - 50°C within the shallow burial environment. The Trenton Group carbonates are characterized by two distinct stages of dolomitization which proceeded at elevated temperatures. Preexisting fracture patterns, and block faulting controlled the initial dolomitization of the precursor carbonate matrix. Dolomitization progressed In the presence of warm fluids (60 75°C) with physicochemical conditions characteristic of a progressively depleted basinal water. The matrix is mostly Idiotopic-S and Idiotopic-E dolomite, with Xenotopic-A dolomite dominating the matrix where fractures occur. The second stage of dolomitization involved hydrothermal basinal fluid(s) with temperatures of about 60 - 70°C. These are the postulated source for the saddle dolomite and blocky calcite cements occurring in pore space and fractures. Rock porosity was partly occluded by Idiotopic-E type dolomite. Late stage saddle dolomite, calcite, anhydrite, pyrite, marcasite and minor sphalerite and celestite cements effectively fill any remaining porosity within specific horizons. Based on cathode luminescence, precipitation of the different diagenetic phases probably proceeded in open diagenetic systems from chemically homogeneous fluids. Ultraviolet fluorescence of 11 the matrix and cements demonstrated that hydrocarbons were present during the earliest formation of saddle dolomite. Oxygen isotope values of -7.6 to -8.5 %0 (PDB), and carbon isotope values of - 0.5 and -3.0 %0 (PDB) from the latest stage dog-tooth calcite cement suggest that meteoric water was introduced into the system during their formation. This is estimated to have occurred at temperatures of about 25 - 40°C. Specific facies associations within the Trenton Group carbonates exhibit good hydrocarbon generating potential based on organic carbon preservation (1-3.5%). Thermal maturation and Lopatin burial-history evaluations suggest that hydrocarbons were generated within the Trenton Group carbonates some time after 300 Ma . Progressively depleted vanadium trends measured from hydrocarbon samples within southwestern Ontario suggests its potential use as a hydrocarbon migration indicator on local (within an oilfield) and on regional scales.

Integrating vitrinite reflectance, rock-eval pyrolysis, flourescence microscopy and palynology of the Athabasca oil sands, Kearl Lake area, northeastern Alberta

Three cores from the Kearl Lake Oil Sands area within the Athabasca deposit of northeastern Alberta have been analyzed to understand the thermal history of the McMurray and Clearwater formations of the Lower Cretaceous Mannville Group. The approach involves the integration of vitrinite reflectance (VR), Rock-Eval pyrolysis, fluorescence microscopy, and palynology. Mean VR varies between 0.21 and 0.43% Ro and indicates thermally immature levels equivalent to the rank of lignite to sub-bituminous coal. Although differing lithologies have influenced VR to some extent (i.e., coals and bitumen-rich zones), groundwater influence and oxidation seem not to have measurably altered YR. Rock-Eval analysis points to Type III/IV kerogen, and samples rich in amorphous organic matter (ADM) show little to no fluorescence characteristics, implying a terrestrial source of origin. Palynology reveals the presence of some delicate macerals but lack of fluorescence and abundant ADM suggests some degradation and partial oxidation of the samples.