235 resultados para Offensive


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NIt is now widely accepted that corporations have a responsibility to benefit society, as well as generate profit. This study used institutional theory to explore how the complex and contested notion of corporate social responsibility is understood and practiced by junior and mid-tier Australian resources companies operating in the world's most impoverished countries. The study found that CSR meaning and practice in this large but little researched group of companies was shaped by complex pressures at the global, industry, organisational and individual levels. Importantly, the study also revealed striking contradictions and ambiguities between participants' CSR aspirations and their actions and accountability.

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The history of Alberta's meatpacking workers is closely connected with the broader historical struggles of the working class in North America. Like their counterparts from the packinghouses in Toronto and Montreal, the workers of Calgary and Edmonton organized and fought for union recognition between 1911 and 1920, thus joining a labour revolt that was spreading throughout Europe and North America in the wake of World War I and the October Revolution. They faced stiff resistance.

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This paper examines the case of a controversial beer advertisement which was promulgated in Bulgaria in 2001, and which provoked eight lawsuits against the brewery, its advertising agency, and the Bulgarian National Television. The case set a precedent in Bulgaria and generated considerable public interest and debate. To the best of the authors’ knowledge this is the first case in Eastern Europe when individuals have challenged companies in the courts of law because of offence caused by an advertisement. The present study discusses how the public bodies responsible for protecting consumer interests and the courts of first instance assessed the advertisement in the context of Bulgarian public policy regarding offensive advertising.

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Netball is a sport characterised by sharp changes-of-direction to break free from opponents. The ability of players to use changes-of-direction to evade opponents is, therefore, an important aspect of attacking play. The purpose of this study was to examine the performance and outcomes of offensive agility techniques utilised by netball players. Offensive agility techniques were assessed for the type of manoeuvre performed and performance outcome using video footage of three international matches. Mid and attacking playing positions performed a greater frequency of manoeuvres than defensive playing positions. The type of manoeuvre was found to have no influence on the performance outcome. The performance outcome is likely influenced by additional factors, such as location on the court, time constraints, or features of defensive opponents. Overall, the use of offensive agility manoeuvres was identified as an important aspect of attacking play in netball, particularly for the mid and attacking playing positions.

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The aim of the present study was to assess the effects of game timeouts on basketball teams? offensive and defensive performances according to momentary differences in score and game period. The sample consisted of 144 timeouts registered during 18 basketball games randomly selected from the 2007 European Basketball Championship (Spain). For each timeout, five ball possessions were registered before (n?493) and after the timeout (n?475). The offensive and defensive efficiencies were registered across the first 35 min and last 5 min of games. A k-means cluster analysis classified the timeouts according to momentary score status as follows: losing ( ?10 to ?3 points), balanced ( ?2 to 3 points), and winning (4 to 10 points). Repeated-measures analysis of variance identified statistically significant main effects between pre and post timeout offensive and defensive values. Chi-square analysis of game period identified a higher percentage of timeouts called during the last 5 min of a game compared with the first 35 min (64.999.1% vs. 35.1910.3%; x ?5.4, PB0.05). Results showed higher post timeout offensive and defensive performances. No other effect or interaction was found for defensive performances. Offensive performances were better in the last 5 min of games, with the least differences when in balanced situations and greater differences when in winning situations. Results also showed one interaction between timeouts and momentary differences in score, with increased values when in losing and balanced situations but decreased values when in winning situations. Overall, the results suggest that coaches should examine offensive and defensive performances according to game period and differences in score when considering whether to call a timeout.

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Gender differences in anthropometric and athletic properties (e.g. strength) as well as the different net heights (2.24 vs. 2.43 m) on the same field size (8x16 m) would be reflected in the game. The literature about differences between male and female playing characteristics in beach volleyball is scarce. Therefore, the aim of this study was to analyse the differences by gender in the use of offensive zones. Study participants were 20 players (10 female and 10 male) who took part in the European Beach Volleyball Championship 2005 and 2006. Video recordings were made of the 659 points in eight matches played. The beach volleyball court was divided into six zones (z1 to z6). The results showed that men and women use different offensive zones and also were different in the percentages of ball out (15.53 and 27.38% respectively). Concretely, men players used more 1, 2, 4 and 5 zones and women 1 and 5 zones. A few differences were observed in the percentage the ball to the net (7.73 and 5.35% respectively). An understanding of the use of offensive zones is relevant to establish specific tactical training patterns for beach volleyball.

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In recent weeks, Russia has stepped up its efforts to prevent a group of former Soviet republics from tightening their relations with the European Union. The intensification of these efforts comes ahead of the upcoming Eastern Partnership summit, scheduled to take place in Vilnius on 28-29 November. It is expected that during the summit Kiev will sign the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement (AA) initialled in March 2012, including an agreement for a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA). Meanwhile, Moldova, Armenia and Georgia are expected to initial similar documents, effectively accepting their terms and conditions, and paving the way for their official signing in the near future. Moscow has always viewed the relations between the EU and the post-Soviet states as a threat to its own influence in the region. Consequently, any attempts to tighten these relations have been actively opposed by Russia. The EU’s Eastern Partnership programme, launched in 2009, has posed a particular challenge to Moscow’s policies in the region.. Russia responded by rolling out a Eurasian integration project, which began in 2010 with the establishment of the Customs Union of Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus, and is expected to culminate in the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union by 2015. Moscow’s overarching objective has been to persuade the countries in the region, especially Ukraine, to adopt an unambiguously pro-Russian geopolitical stance and to join the integration project proposed by the Kremlin. The Russian government hopes that this would permanently place these states in Moscow’s sphere of influence and at the same time prevent them from developing closer relations with Brussels. Russia has regularly taken actions aimed at showcasing the benefits of integration with the Customs Union (particularly, by promising preferential pricing of Russian energy resources) and at the same time it has adopted measures highlighting the pitfalls of retaining a pro-European orientation (mainly by imposing occasional trade sanctions). The upcoming summit in Vilnius, during which Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia and Georgia could lock themselves on to a pro-European course, has spurred Moscow to intensify its efforts to torpedo a successful outcome of the Vilnius meeting, with a view to slowing down or even blocking the possibility of closer cooperation between the EU and the former Soviet republics.