On L2 Clustering and Resetting the Null Subject Parameter in L2 Spanish: Implications and Observations.

In this article, along with others, we take the position that the Null-Subject Parameter (NSP) (Chomsky 1981; Rizzi 1982) cluster of properties is narrower in scope than some originally contended. We test for the resetting of the NSP by English L2 learners of Spanish at the intermediate level, including poverty-of-the stimulus knowledge of the Overt Pronoun Constraint (Montalbetti 1984). Our participants are tested before and after five months' residency in Spain in an effort to see if increased amounts of native exposure are particularly beneficial for parameter resetting. Although we demonstrate NSP resetting for some of the L2 learners, our data essentially demonstrate that even with the advent of time/exposure to native input, there is no immediate gainful effect for NSP resetting.

What Brazilian Portuguese Says about Control: Remarks on Boeckx & Hornstein

In an article in this journal, Boeckx & Hornstein (2006a) present data from Brazilian Portuguese (BP) as an argument in favor of the Movement Theory of Control (MTC). In this reply, I show that the data presented by those authors do not necessarily argue for a movement analysis of BP finite subjects nor of nonfinite control. I also show that BP provides arguments against the MTC when inflected infinitives are considered. Inflected infinitives may be used in BP in partial control structures, which makes it explicit that a singular matrix argument may control a syntactically plural null subject and shows that these two positions cannot be related by movement. Additionally, I show that the MTC makes the wrong predictions when a language with inflected infinitives is considered.

What variables condition syntactic transfer? A look at the L3 initial state

This study investigates transfer at the third-language (L3) initial state, testing between the following possibilities: (1) the first language (L1) transfer hypothesis (an L1 effect for all adult acquisition), (2) the second language (L2) transfer hypothesis, where the L2 blocks L1 transfer (often referred to in the recent literature as the ‘L2 status factor’; Williams and Hammarberg, 1998), and (3) the Cumulative Enhancement Model (Flynn et al., 2004), which proposes selective transfer from all previous linguistic knowledge. We provide data from successful English-speaking learners of L2 Spanish at the initial state of acquiring L3 French and L3 Italian relating to properties of the Null-Subject Parameter (e.g. Chomsky, 1981; Rizzi, 1982). We compare these groups to each other, as well as to groups of English learners of L2 French and L2 Italian at the initial state, and conclude that the data are consistent with the predictions of the ‘L2 status factor’. However, we discuss an alternative possible interpretation based on (psycho)typologically-motivated transfer (borrowing from Kellerman, 1983), providing a methodology for future research in this domain to meaningfully tease apart the ‘L2 status factor’ from this alternative account.

Pragmatic deficits with syntactic consequences?: L2 pronominal subjects and the syntax–pragmatics interface

Contemporary acquisition theorizing has placed a considerable amount of attention on interfaces, points at which different linguistic modules interact. The claim is that vulnerable interfaces cause particular difficulties in L1, bilingual and adult L2 acquisition (e.g. Platzack, 2001; Montrul, 2004; Müller and Hulk, 2001; Sorace, 2000, 2003, 2004, 2005). Accordingly, it is possible that deficits at the syntax–pragmatics interface cause what appears to be particular non-target-like syntactic behavior in L2 performance. This syntax-before-discourse hypothesis is examined in the present study by analyzing null vs. overt subject pronoun distribution in L2 Spanish of English L1 learners. As ultimately determined by L2 knowledge of the Overt Pronoun Constraint (OPC) (Montalbetti, 1984), the data indicate that L2 learners at the intermediate and advanced levels reset the Null Subject Parameter (NSP), but only advanced learners have acquired a more or less target null/overt subject distribution. Against the predictions of Sorace (2004) and in line with Montrul and Rodríguez-Louro (2006), the data indicate an overuse of both overt and null subject pronouns. As a result, this behavior cannot be from L1 interference alone, suggesting that interface-conditioned properties are simply more complex and therefore, harder to acquire. Furthermore, the data from the advanced learners demonstrate that the syntax–pragmatics interface is not a predetermined locus for fossilization (in contra e.g. Valenzuela, 2006).

Input type and parameter resetting: is naturalistic input necessary?

It has been argued that extended exposure to naturalistic input provides L2 learners with more of an opportunity to converge of target morphosyntactic competence as compared to classroom-only environments, given that the former provide more positive evidence of less salient linguistic properties than the latter (e.g., Isabelli 2004). Implicitly, the claim is that such exposure is needed to fully reset parameters. However, such a position conflicts with the notion of parameterization (cf. Rothman and Iverson 2007). In light of two types of competing generative theories of adult L2 acquisition – the No Impairment Hypothesis (e.g., Duffield and White 1999) and so-called Failed Features approaches (e.g., Beck 1998; Franceschina 2001; Hawkins and Chan 1997), we investigate the verifiability of such a claim. Thirty intermediate L2 Spanish learners were tested in regards to properties of the Null-Subject Parameter before and after study-abroad. The data suggest that (i) parameter resetting is possible and (ii) exposure to naturalistic input is not privileged.

Pronoun processing in Broca's aphasia: discourse-syntax effects in ambiguous anaphora resolution

Background: The interpretation of ambiguous subject pronouns in a null subject language, like Greek, requires that one possesses grammatical knowledge of the two subject pronominal forms, i.e., null and overt, and that discourse constraints regulating the distribution of the two pronouns in context are respected. Aims: We investigated whether the topic-shift feature encoded in overt subject pronouns would exert similar interpretive effects in a group of seven participants with Broca’s aphasia and a group of language-unimpaired adults during online processing of null and overt subject pronouns in referentially ambiguous contexts. Method & Procedures: An offline picture–sentence matching task was initially administered to investigate whether the participants with Broca’s aphasia had access to the gender and number features of clitic pronouns. An online self-paced listening picture-verification task was subsequently administered to examine how the aphasic individuals resolve pronoun ambiguities in contexts with either null or overt subject pronouns and how their performance compares to that of language-unimpaired adults. Outcomes & Results: Results demonstrate that the Broca group, along with controls, had intact access to the morphosyntactic features of clitic pronouns. However, the aphasic individuals showed decreased preference for non-salient antecedents in object position during the online resolution of ambiguous overt subject pronouns and preferred to pick the subject antecedent instead. Conclusions: Broca’s aphasic participants’ parsing decisions in the online task reflect their difficulty with establishing topic-shifted interpretations of the ambiguous overt subject pronouns. The presence of a local topic-shift effect in the immediate temporal vicinity of the overt pronoun suggests that sensitivity to the marked informational status of overt pronouns is preserved in the aphasic individuals, yet, it is blocked under conditions of global sentential processing.

Exploring the source of differences and similarities in L1 attrition and heritage speaker competence: evidence from pronominal resolution

Several studies of different bilingual groups including L2 learners, child bilinguals, heritage speakers and L1 attriters reveal similar performance on syntax-discourse interface properties such as anaphora resolution (Sorace, 2011 and references therein). Specifically, bilinguals seem to allow more optionality in the interpretation of overt subject pronouns in null subject languages, such as Greek, Italian and Spanish while the interpretation of null subject pronouns is indistinguishable from monolingual natives. Nevertheless, there is some evidence pointing to bilingualism effects on the interpretation of null subject pronouns too in heritage speakers’ grammars (Montrul, 2004) due to some form of ‘arrested’ development in this group of bilinguals. The present study seeks to investigate similarities and differences between two Greek–Swedish bilingual groups, heritage speakers and L1 attriters, in anaphora resolution of null and overt subject pronouns in Greek using a self-paced listening with a sentence-picture matching decision task at the end of each sentence. The two groups differ in crucial ways: heritage speakers were simultaneous or early bilinguals while the L1 attriters were adult learners of the second language, Swedish. Our findings reveal differences from monolingual preferences in the interpretation of the overt pronoun for both heritage and attrited speakers while the differences attested between the two groups in the interpretation of null subject pronouns affect only response times with heritage being faster than attrited speakers. We argue that our results do not support an age of onset or differential input effects on bilingual performance in pronoun resolution.

The Syntax of Pronominal Subjects in L2 Spanish: Comparing Two L2 Populations with Different Exposure

The purpose of this article is two-fold. First, via a critical review of available studies on the adult L2 resetting of the Null-Subject Parameter (NSP) and in light of a typologically wide sampling of languages, we conclude that the NSP cluster is much narrower in scope than is reflected in the design and discussion of most L2 studies. Secondly, we present original research on the L2 resetting of the NSP by two groups of adult English intermediate learners of L2 Spanish: a study-abroad group and a class-room only group. We seek to quantify the extent to which study-abroad experience, that is, increased exposure to native input, is beneficial specifically as it relates to the acquisition of new functional features needed for parameter re-setting (cf. Isabelli 2004). Despite the observable and clandestine linguistic benefits to study-abroad, our data suggest that for the resetting of the NSP, at least, such exposure to native input is not particularly gainful.

What does current generative theory have to say about the explicit-implicit debate?

Taking a generative perspective, we divide aspects of language into three broad categories: those that cannot be learned (are inherent in Universal Grammar), those that are derived from Universal Grammar, and those that must be learned from the input. Using this framework of language to clarify the “what” of learning, we take the acquisition of null (and overt) subjects in languages like Spanish as an example of how to apply the framework. We demonstrate what properties of a null-subject grammar cannot be learned explicitly, which properties can, but also argue that it is an open empirical question as to whether these latter properties are learned using explicit processes, showing how linguistic and psychological approaches may intersect to better understand acquisition.

Pragmatic solutions for syntactic problems: Understanding some L2 syntactic errors in terms of discourse-pragmatic deficits

Contemporary research in generative second language (L2) acquisition has attempted to address observable target-deviant aspects of L2 grammars within a UG-continuity framework (e.g. Lardiere 2000; Schwartz 2003; Sprouse 2004; Prévost & White 1999, 2000). With the aforementioned in mind, the independence of pragmatic and syntactic development, independently observed elsewhere (e.g. Grodzinsky & Reinhart 1993; Lust et al. 1986; Pacheco & Flynn 2005; Serratrice, Sorace & Paoli 2004), becomes particularly interesting. In what follows, I examine the resetting of the Null-Subject Parameter (NSP) for English learners of L2 Spanish. I argue that insensitivity to associated discoursepragmatic constraints on the discursive distribution of overt/null subjects accounts for what appear to be particular errors as a result of syntactic deficits. It is demonstrated that despite target-deviant performance, the majority must have native-like syntactic competence given their knowledge of the Overt Pronoun Constraint (Montalbetti 1984), a principle associated with the Spanish-type setting of the NSP.

Pronoun ambiguity resolution in Greek: evidence from monolingual adults and children

A large body of psycholinguistic research has revealed that during sentence interpretation adults coordinate multiple sources of information. Particularly, they draw both on linguistic properties of the message and on information from the context to constrain their interpretations. Relatively little however is known about how this integrative processor develops through language acquisition and about how children process language. In this study, two on-line picture verification tasks were used to examine how 1st, 2nd and 4th/5th grade monolingual Greek children resolve pronoun ambiguities during sentence interpretation and how their performance compares to that of adults on the same tasks. Specifically, we manipulated the type of subject pronoun, i.e. null or overt, and examined how this affected participants’ preferences for competing antecedents, i.e. in the subject or object position. The results revealed both similarities and differences in how adults and the various child groups comprehended ambiguous pronominal forms. Particularly, although adults and children alike showed sensitivity to the distribution of overt and null subject pronouns, this did not always lead to convergent interpretation preferences.

A implementação do você em cartas pessoais norte-riograndenses do século XX

Considering the theoretical and methodological presuppositions of Variationist Sociolinguistics (cf. WEINREICH; LABOV; HERZOG, 2006; LABOV, [1972] 2008), in this dissertation, we describe and analyze the process of variation/change involving the personal pronouns tu and você, and its extension in the pronominal paradigm in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), in three sets of personal letters written by people from Rio Grande do Norte (RN) along the 20th century. The discursive universe of those letters is news from the cities in which the informers lived and the themes from their everyday life (trade, jobs, trips, family and politics). Part of the analyzed letters integrate the written by hand minimum corpus of the Projeto de História do Português Brasileiro no Rio Grande do Norte (PHPB-RN). We are based on previous studies about the pronominal system in BP Menon (1995), Faraco (1996), Lopes e Machado (2005), Rumeu (2008), Lopes (2009), Lopes, Rumeu e Marcotulio (2011), Lopes e Marcotulio (2011) e Martins e Moura (2012) , which register the form você replaces tu from the end of the first half of 20th century and attest the following situation: while (a) the imperative verbal forms, (b) the explicit subjects and (c) prepositional complement pronouns are favorable contexts for você, the (d) non imperative verbal forms (with null subject), (e) the non prepositional complement pronoun and (f) the possessive pronoun are contexts of resistance of tu. The results got in this dissertation confirm, partially, the statements defended by the previous studies regarding the favorable contexts for the implementation of você in BP: (i) there are, in the letters from the first two decades of 20th century (1916 to 1925), high frequency of the usage of the form você (98%); (ii) in the personal letters of RN especially in the love letters, in which there are higher recurrence of intimate subjects the discursive universe proved to be itself very relevant in the determination/conditions of the forms of tu; (iii) the unique feminine informer of our sample uses, almost categorically, the forms of tu in letters of the period from 1946 to 1972; (iv) the letters corresponding to the period from 1992 to 1994 present a significant usage of the forms associated to the innovating você, letting appear the change is already implemented in the system of BP and there are, in that set of letters, strong evidences that make us state the pronominal forms of non prepositional complement (accusative/ dative) related to tu are also implemented in a system with an almost categorical usage of você

A realização variável do sujeito pronominal na fala urbana itabiense

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A realização do sujeito na fala do portugues europeu

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Linkage in narratives: A comparison between monolingual speakers of French and Italian, and early and late French-Italian bilinguals

In the course of language acquisition learners have to deal with the task of producing narrative texts that are coherent across a range of conceptual domains (space, time, entities) -- both within as well as across utterances. The organization of information is analyzed in this study, on the basis of retellings of a silent film, in terms of devices used in the coordination and subordination of events within the narrative sequence. The focus on subordination reflects a core grammatical difference between Italian and French, as Italian is a null-subject language while French is not. The implications of this contrast for information structure include differences in topic management within the sequence of events. The present study investigates in how far Italian-French bilingual speakers acquire the patterns of monolingual speakers of Italian. It compares how early and late bilinguals of these two languages proceed when linking information in narratives in Italian.