Newspaper coverage impact on cultural events: Porto 2001 and Guimarães 2012: European Cultural Capitals

Artigo baseado na comunicação proferida no 1st International Symposium on Media Studies, realizado na Akdeniz Universitesi Yayınları, Antalya, Turquia, 21-23 de novembro de 2013

Portuguese newspapers’ front-page and the coverage of European Cultural Capital: Porto 2001 and Guimarães 2012

Portugal hosted in the last thirteen years, two editions of the event European Cultural Capital; this paper intends to illustrate the coverage that Portuguese newspapers (daily newspapers Público, Diário de Notícias, Correio da Manhã and Jornal de Notícias, a weekly newsmagazine Visão and a weekly newspaper Expresso) made, through referrals in front-page and respective developments within the editions, to each of the events and that allows us to define the main moments that marked each of them, patterns of action, the major players, planning and programming types. The European Cultural Capital project elects, from year to year, cities of different EU member states with the main goal of “contributing to bring together the Europe´s people" (words of Mélina Mercouri, Greek Minister of Culture who, in 1985, proposed the launch of this initiative) and encouraging the elected urban space to present new cultural paradigms. In the genesis of this model is the cultural decentralization’s vector, a possibility to medium-sized cities of funding public works, restoring heritage and promoting themselves in touristic terms, of giving visibility to cities away from cultural and creative industries’ major distribution centers. A crucial factor to achieve this goal is media coverage. This paper outline the information that the Portuguese press ran over the two years that elapsed the latest editions of the European Cultural Capital in Portugal, namely that media coverage have deviated from the disclosure of the events’ schedule to suggest itineraries of visit and little or not even question the role that cities, promoting such initiatives, have as places of innovation in terms of cultural policies, artistic production and innovation, in urban and environmental regeneration, in economic revitalization, in training and creating new artists and new audiences and in boosting the confidence of local communities. The content analysis performed to articles shows how press is essential to the promotion of cities as cultural/touristic destinations as it stimulates consumption among residents and attracts visitors, with the possible dire consequence of turning the cultural journalist into an agent of touristic instead of cultural promotion.

The Evolution of Media Coverage of Historical Sports Controversies

This thesis will cover sports controversies throughout the 20th Century in the context of the media’s newspaper coverage of the events. The 1919 Black Sox Scandal, the debate over American participation in the 1936 Olympics, and Muhammad Ali’s conversion to the Nation of Islam, standing as a notorious public figure, and conscientious objection to the Vietnam War will represent the three sports controversies. The media’s adherence to cultural norms is clear in all three cases. The consistent devotion to the cultural and racial atmosphere of their respective eras was constant and helped to perpetuate accepted, mainstream cultural attitudes. Cultural and racial norms were followed in the coverage of the three discussed controversies. The anti-Semitism and racially intolerant sentiments in America during great waves of immigration in the early 1900s allowed for journalists to freely vilify Jews as corrupters of baseball and the ballplayers who were rumored to have thrown the 1919 World Series. The white ballplayers were supported in the press, who protected their own and blamed outsiders. Jim Crow and the Americanization movement forced African American and Jewish newspapers to limit their journalistic bias on both sides of the debate over American participation in the 1936 Berlin Olympics. The white, mainstream press was void of bias as the spirit of isolationism in America triumphed over journalist’s leanings in the Olympic debate. The racial tension created by the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s created an atmosphere that allowed mainstream journalists to heap endless criticism on Muhammad Ali as he gained fame. By portraying him as a villain of society as both a religious radical and traitor to America, journalists created a common enemy in the minds of white America. In all three cases, a pattern of journalists expressing the state of cultural and racial norms of the era is present and significant.

Asymmetric information and trade policy

Economists understand protectionism as a costly mechanism to redistribute from the average citizen to special-interest groups; yet political platforms that deviate from free trade have surprising popular appeal. I present an explanation based on heterogeneous information across citizens whose voting decision has an intensive margin. For each politician and each sector, the optimal trade-policy choice caters to the preferences of those voters who are more likely to be informed of that proposal. An overall protectionist bias emerges because in every industry producers are better informed than consumers. This asymmetry emerges in equilibrium because co-workers share industry-specific knwoledge, and because producers have greater incentives to engage in costly learning about their sector. My model implies that more widespread information about trade policy for an industry is associated with lower protection. Cross-sectoral evidence on U.S. non-tariff barriers and newspaper coverage is consistent with this prediction.

Heterogeneous information and trade policy

Protectionism enjoys surprising popular support, in spite of deadweight losses. At thesame time, trade barriers appear to decline with public information about protection.This paper develops an electoral model with heterogeneously informed voters whichexplains both facts and predicts the pattern of trade policy across industries. In themodel, each agent endogenously acquires more information about his sector of employment. As a result, voters support protectionism, because they learn more about thetrade barriers that help them as producers than those that hurt them as consumers.In equilibrium, asymmetric information induces a universal protectionist bias. Thestructure of protection is Pareto inefficient, in contrast to existing models. The modelpredicts a Dracula effect: trade policy for a sector is less protectionist when there ismore public information about it. Using a measure of newspaper coverage across industries, I find that cross-sector evidence from the United States bears out my theoreticalpredictions.

Corruption scandals, press reporting, and accountability. Evidence from Spanish mayors.

[spa] En este trabajo se analiza con datos de España los efectos de la corrupción local sobre los resultados electorales. En base a las noticias publicadas entre 1996 y 2009, se construye una nueva base de datos que recoge los casos de corrupción y noticias relativas a cambios en los planes urbanísticos que no han seguido el procedimiento legal. La base de datos muestra que los primeros escándalos de corrupción urbanística surgieron durante el mandato electoral de 1999-2003, pero que éstos alcanzaron sus niveles máximos justo antes de las elecciones de 2007. Se estima una ecuación del porcentaje de voto obtenido por el partido en el poder en estas elecciones locales y se encuentra que la pérdida media de voto después de un caso de corrupción se sitúa alrededor del 4%. Este efecto es más elevado (del 9%) si el caso de corrupción ha recibido una amplia cobertura por los diarios. Los efectos estimados para las elecciones de 2003 son significativamente inferiores. Cuando se consideran los casos en que los políticos han tenido cargas judiciales por corrupción y amplia cobertura por los diarios, la pérdida de voto asciende hasta el 12%. No obstante, la cobertura por los diarios genera un efecto negativo en el voto incluso cuando no hay cargas judiciales.

Corruption scandals, press reporting, and accountability. Evidence from Spanish mayors.

[spa] En este trabajo se analiza con datos de España los efectos de la corrupción local sobre los resultados electorales. En base a las noticias publicadas entre 1996 y 2009, se construye una nueva base de datos que recoge los casos de corrupción y noticias relativas a cambios en los planes urbanísticos que no han seguido el procedimiento legal. La base de datos muestra que los primeros escándalos de corrupción urbanística surgieron durante el mandato electoral de 1999-2003, pero que éstos alcanzaron sus niveles máximos justo antes de las elecciones de 2007. Se estima una ecuación del porcentaje de voto obtenido por el partido en el poder en estas elecciones locales y se encuentra que la pérdida media de voto después de un caso de corrupción se sitúa alrededor del 4%. Este efecto es más elevado (del 9%) si el caso de corrupción ha recibido una amplia cobertura por los diarios. Los efectos estimados para las elecciones de 2003 son significativamente inferiores. Cuando se consideran los casos en que los políticos han tenido cargas judiciales por corrupción y amplia cobertura por los diarios, la pérdida de voto asciende hasta el 12%. No obstante, la cobertura por los diarios genera un efecto negativo en el voto incluso cuando no hay cargas judiciales.

Keskusteluja vuokratyöstä. Vuokratyön diskursiivinen rakentuminen Suomessa

1990-luvun alussa lainsäädäntö ja työmarkkinajärjestöt määrittelivät Suomessa, että vuokratyötä tuli käyttää vain tilapäiseen työvoimatarpeeseen, esimerkiksi sijaisuuksiin ja ruuhkahuippuihin. Joillakin aloilla vuokratyö oli työnantajien ja työntekijöiden yhteissopimuksella kielletty. Vaikka vuokratyösuhteet saivat jo 1980-luvulla niin Suomessa kuin kansainvälisestikin maineen työsuhdekeinotteluna, alkoi vuokratyön määrä Suomessa kasvaa 1990-luvun puolivälissä ja erityisesti tultaessa 2000-luvulle. Suomalaiset akateemiset tutkijat eivät ole juuri vuokratyöstä kiinnostuneet. Aiemmat, harvalukuiset tutkimukset ovat keskittyneet lähinnä työyhteisöjen ja työntekijöiden kokemuksiin sekä vuokratyön työehtoihin. Vuokratyö ymmärretäänkin edelleen lähinnä työntekijän subjektiivisena kokemuksena. Vuokratyössä on kuitenkin kysymys paitsi kokemuksista, myös yhteiskunnallisesta valtakamppailusta, jossa diskursiivisin keinoin pyritään vaikuttamaan ilmiöön nimeltä vuokratyö, laajemmin ilmiöön nimeltä työmarkkinat, sekä toisaalta kansalaisten käsityksiin työelämän ”normaalista”. Käsillä oleva tutkimus laajentaa ymmärrystä vuokratyöstä tarkastelemalla ilmiötä lainsäädännön, uutisoinnin ja markkinoinnin rakentamien julkisten käsitysten ja merkityksenantojen kautta. Teoreettisena viitekehyksenä käytän hallinnan ja työprosessin säätelyn teoriaperinteitä. Se, miten työmarkkinoiden muutosta ja uusia työsuhdemuotoja politiikassa, mediassa, lainsäädännössä, tai työpaikan kahvipöytäkeskusteluissa perustellaan ja tehdään ymmärrettäväksi, on samalla työelämään kiinnitettävien arvojen, merkitysten ja toimijuuksien luomista, rajaamista ja kuvailua. Työelämäpuheessa ei siis ole kyse vain talouden lainalaisuuksista, kansantalouden toimivuudesta, tai yritysten kilpailukyvystä, vaan myös ja erityisesti niiden toimijoiden luomisesta, määrittelemisestä ja legitimoimisesta, jotka työelämän kentällä saavat toimia ja tulevat palkituiksi. Säätelyn ja hallinnan näkökulmasta on relevanttia tarkastella millaisilla käsitteillä ja merkityksillä vuokratyötä ilmiönä rakennetaan . Tutkimuskysymyksinä esitän: 1) Miten ja millä perusteilla vuokratyöstä rakennettiin Suomessa legitiimi tapa työllistää ja työllistyä? 2) Millaisia työntekijäideaaleja vuokratyöhön liittyvissä keskusteluissa rakennetaan? Tutkimusaineistona tarkastelen lainsäädäntöön liittyviä dokumentteja, Helsingin Sanomien uutisointia, vuokratyöyritysten markkinointimateriaaleja, sekä vuokratyöyritysten edustajien haastatteluita. Analyysimenetelmänä käytän kriittistä diskurssianalyysia. Tämä menetelmä mahdollistaa puheen ja dokumenttien tarkastelun sosiaalisena toimintana, jolla eri toimijat pyrkivät osallistumaan yhteiskunnassa hyväksyttyjen ja tunnustettujen käsitysten ja toimintavaihtoehtojen rakentamis-, tulkinta- ja määrittelyprosesseihin. Tutkimukseni päätuloksena esitän, että vuokratyöstä muodostui legitiimi tapa työllistää Suomessa 1990-luvulla, koska vuokratyö käsitteellistettiin sekä lainsäädännön että median diskursseissa ennen kaikkea ratkaisuksi työttömyyteen. Toisaalta vuokratyö käsitteellistettiin vain marginaalisten työntekijäryhmien (naiset ja opiskelijat) rooliksi, jolloin se ei liittynyt miesvaltaisten työpaikkojen arkeen. Ratkaisuna työttömyyteen vuokratyö myös samalla luonnollistettiin osaksi yleisempää työmarkkinakehitystä, jolle ”kukaan ei voi mitään”. 2000-luvulla vuokratyö jatkoi voittokulkuaan ja rakentui pysyväksi ilmiöksi, koska työlainsäädännön uudistus institutionalisoi vuokratyön työehtosopimusmenettelyyn, jolloin sen ”salonkikelpoisuus” ja normaalius vahvistettiin. Vaikka työehtosopimusasia oli ratkaisuna merkittävä, nousi vuokratyön osalta itse työehtosopimus tärkeämmäksi kuin sen sisältö. Työehtosopimuksilla ei kuitenkaan pystytty vaikuttamaan esimerkiksi vuokratyöntekijän olemattomaan työsuhdeturvaan. Lisäksi työnantajapuhe käsitteellistää vuokratyön 2000-luvulla ennen kaikkea työmarkkinavaihtoehdoksi, vapautta ja monipuolisia työkokemuksia tarjoavaksi työmarkkinoiden katalysaattoriksi. Vuokratyö on tässä merkitysavaruudessa työntekijöille ”vain” yksi tapa työllistyä ja löytää oma tiensä työmarkkinoille, ei suinkaan työnantajien sanelema pakko. Työntekijöihin kohdistuva hallintapuhe niin mediassa kuin työnantajien haastatteluissakin pyrkii puolestaan rakentamaan ideaalityöntekijäkuvaksi yrittäjämäisen oman elämänsä toimitusjohtajan. Työnantajien diskursseissa kaikuvatkin työntekijään kohdistuva vaatimus itse itsensä ohjaamisesta sekä työntekijäidentiteetin muotoilemisesta joustavuutta, sopeutuvuutta, vaihtelua ja jatkuvaa muutosta vähintäänkin sietäväksi, mutta mieluiten näitä ominaisuuksia jopa aktiivisesti hakevaksi ja arvostavaksi. Työmarkkinoiden toimijana on nimenomaisesti yksilö, jonka mahdollisuudet menestyä ovat vain ja ainoastaan hänen omissa käsissään. Työntekijän roolin korostaminen aktiivisena toimijana ja vuokratyöstä ”oikeita”, norminmukaisia sisältöjä löytävänä pärjääjänä on diskursiivisesti hallittua yritystä ohjata työntekijöitä näkemään sekä itsensä tietynlaisina toimijoina että työmarkkinat tietyllä tavalla toimivina. Vuokratyössä ei ole kyse vain työntekijöiden yksilöllisistä tai yksittäisistä kokemuksista. Vuokratyö on yhteiskunnallisen merkityskamppailun tulos, jossa käyttövoimana ovat toimineet hallinnalliset ja säätelyyn pyrkivät käsitteellistykset työllisyydestä, yksilön valinnasta ja koko yhteiskunnan edusta. Hallinnan ja säätelyn näkökulmasta katsottuna vuokratyö on myös merkinnyt säätelyn liukumista tasa-arvoa, yhdenmukaista kohtelua ja työntekijän suojelua korostavasta viranomaisten ja poliittisten toimijoiden suorittamasta työmarkkinoiden kollektiivisesta säätelystä työnantajien ylläpitämään työntekijän persoonan ja käyttäytymisen hegemoniseen, yksilölliseen säätelyyn.

Everything that rises must converge: a neo-Marxist analysis of Canadian business-government relations

The following thesis presents an analysis of business-government relations within a neo-Marxist framework. Specifically, the discussion encompasses how the business interest group. the Business Council on National Issues, maintains consensus and unity amongst its monopoly capital members. Furthermore. the study elaborates on the process through which the group's interests are acknowledged and legitimized by the state under the "public interest" f8fue. Most of the literature pertaining to business-government relations within the context of interactions between business interest groups and the state, and such specific branches of the state as the government and/or the civil service. emphasize a liberal-pluralist perspective. Essentially, these writings serve to reflect and legitimate the current slatus quo. Marxist discourses on the subject, while attempting to transcend the liberal-pluralist framework. nevertheless suffer from either economic determinism .. ie., stressing the state's accumulation function but not its legitimation function or historical specificity. A cogent and comprehensive neo-Marxist analysis of business-government relations must discuss both the accumulation and legitimation functions of the state. The process by which the concerns of a particular business interest group become part of the state's policy agenda and subsequently are formulated and implemented into policies which legitimate its dominance is also studied. This inquiry is significant given the liberal-pluralist assumptions of a neutral state and that all interest groups compete "on a level playing field". The author's neo-Marxist paradigm rejects both of these assumptions. Building on concepts from nea-Marxist instrumentalism. structuralism. state monopoly capitalism, and forms and functions of the state perspectives. the author proposes that policies which legitimize the interests of the monopoly capital fraction cannot. be discerned only from the state's activities. per StJ. Clearly, if the liberal-pluralist 3 contention of multiple and conflicting interest groups, including those within the capitalist class, is taken at face value, M interest group such as the Business Council on National Issues (BCND, must somehow maintain. internal consensus Md unity amongst its members. Internal consensus amongst its members ensures that the state can better acknowledge and articulate its concerns into policies that maintain hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction under the "public interest" fllf.JJdq. The author contends that the BCNI focuses most of its interactions on the upper echelons of the civil service since it is this branch of the state which is most responsible for policy formulation and implementation. The author's paradigm is applied within the context of extensively analyzing newspaper coverage. BCN! publications, and other published sources, as well as a personal interview with an executive administrative member of the BeNI. The discussion focuses on how agreement and unity amongst the various interests of the monopoly capital fraction are maintained through the business organization, its policy scope, and finally its interactions with the state. The analysis suggests that while the civil service is an important player in expressing the interests of the BCNI's membership through policies which ostensibly also reflect the "public interest", it is not the only strategic target for the BCNI's interactions with the state. The author's research also highlights the importance of government officials at the Cabinet level and Cabinet Committees. Senior elected officials from the Federal government are also significant in avoiding intergovernmental or interprovincial conflict in implementing policies that legitimize hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction over other fractions and classes.

Assessorias e coberturas jornalísticas na administração pública municipal

O objetivo dessa dissertação consiste em analisar a interação entre assessorias de imprensa de prefeituras brasileiras e jornais locais. Para tal, dois municípios são analisados, observando a relação existente entre as assessorias e os veículos. É verificado, por exemplo, a frequência com que estes publicam releases governamentais em suas páginas, o que fornece um indício chave do grau de independência da mídia local. Apresentam-se dois estudos de caso, realizado com as cidades de Bauru e Piracicaba - que, além de serem cidades prósperas, localizadas no interior do Estado de São Paulo, apresentam diversas características que as aproximam, como: número de habitantes, orçamento municipal, PIB e IDH - permitindo comparar e analisar a relação das assessorias de comunicação de suas prefeituras, com um jornal impresso local diário, de cada uma das cidades. Embasa o trabalho na teoria do agenda setting, e da relação entre mídia e democracia. Procura-se compreender ainda, de acordo com a literatura, os outros papéis da mídia, como watchdog e gatekeeper. A pesquisa demonstra que existe alto grau de correspondência na cidade de Bauru, onde 48% das vezes em que o Jornal da Cidade veiculou matérias relacionadas a prefeitura, ele o fez aproveitando de forma integral, ou parcial (com pequenas alterações), os releases enviados pela assessoria de comunicação da prefeitura. Já no caso de Piracicaba, apenas 5% das vezes em que o Jornal de Piracicaba veiculou matérias relacionadas à prefeitura, ele o fez aproveitando de forma integral, ou parcial (com pequenas alterações), os releases enviados pela assessoria de comunicação da prefeitura. Quando publica matérias sobre a prefeitura, o Jornal de Piracicaba publica matérias com 1773 caracteres, em média. Enquanto o Jornal da Cidade apresenta uma média de 2453 caracteres.

The Lady Footballers and the British Press, 1895

Nettie Honeyball and Florence Dixie founded the British Ladies Football Club (BLFC) in 1894 with the aim to provide football-playing opportunities for girls and young women, but also as a means of making money. Theirs, in effect, was an attempt to create a professional football league for women. Public interest in 'the lady footballers' was enormous, at least in its early stages, and generated considerable attention from the press. Overall, press coverage of the BLFC was negative (football is a man's sport; football is a working-class sport; women are physically incapable of playing the game; women shouldn't appear publicly in bifurcated garments, etc.), with only a few notable exceptions. Did the stance adopted depend on the political leaning of the newspaper? Or were the reporters simply reflecting the social and economic realities of their time, struggling to 'explain' a marginal group - women athletes, or more specifically, middle-class women football players - engaging in a working-class male game? This article examines the press coverage of the BLFC. The double standard evident in the newspaper coverage was, on the surface, as one might expect: if a woman played well, she was a freak, possibly a man in disguise; if she didn't play well, it proved that women shouldn't play football. But on closer examination, the double standard was actually rather nuanced: if she played well and looked the part of a woman, she could be subject to praise; yet if she played well and didn't conform to the standard of feminine beauty, she faced ridicule, and her gender called into question.

The direct-democratic challenge to evidence-based policy making: Questioning the governmental PISA narrative in Swiss school policy

The democratic deficit of evidence-based policymaking and the little attention the approach pays to values and norms have repeatedly been criticized. This article argues that direct-democratic campaigns may provide an arena for citizens and stakeholders to debate the belief systems inherent to evidence. The study is based on a narrative analysis of Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) reports, as well as of newspaper coverage and governmental information referring to PISA in Swiss direct-democratic campaigns on a variety of school policy issues. The findings show that PISA reports are discursive instruments rather than ‘objective evidence’. The reports promote a narrative of economic progress through educational evidence that is adopted without scrutiny by governmental coalitions in direct-democratic campaigns to justify school policy reforms. Yet, the dominant PISA narrative is contested in two counter-narratives, one endorsed by numerous citizens, the other by a group of experts. These counter-narratives question how PISA is used by an ‘expertocracy’ to prescribe reforms, as well as the performance ideology inherent to. Overall, these findings suggest that direct-democratic campaigns may make more transparent how evidence is produced and used according to existing belief systems. Evidence, on the other hand, may be a stimulus for democratic discourse by feeding the debate with potential policy problems and solution. Thus, direct-democratic debates may reconcile normative positions of citizens with the desire to base decisions on empirical evidence.