997 resultados para News reporters


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O objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar como os meios de comunicação ajudam a construir a representação social da violência de gênero contra a mulher no Espírito Santo, que lidera o ranking nacional de feminicídios, com taxa de 9,8 homicídios para cada 100 mil mulheres. Elegemos como corpus de pesquisa notícias sobre violência de gênero no ES, veiculadas no ano de 2013, nos jornais A Gazeta e A Tribuna. Em hipótese, acreditamos que essas notícias ajudam a construir representações sociais acerca da violência de gênero a partir da apresentação de estereótipos de vítima e agressor na sociedade, da individualização do problema da violência, da associação desse problema às classes sociais menos privilegiadas e da apresentação do crime de violência de gênero como crime passional. O estudo dessas notícias apresenta-se como algo complexo, do qual não participam apenas informações de ordem linguística, mas também de carácter social, histórico, cultural e cognitivo, uma vez que a análise discursiva não pode ser dissociada do contexto, dos atores sociais e das instituições envolvidas na produção da notícia, bem como das ideologias presentes nesse processo. Por esse motivo, assumimos como base teórica de nossa investigação uma proposta multidisciplinar: a Teoria Sociocognitiva de Teun A. van Dijk (1999a; 2011a; 2012; 2014b). Ademais, contamos com as contribuições dos estudos sobre gênero e discurso de Cameron (1985, 1997), Wodak (1997), West, Lazar e Kramarae (2000), Fernández Díaz (2003), Lazar (1993, 2005, 2007), Magalhães (2005; 2009), Heberle, Ostermann e Figueiredo (2006). Além das análises discursivo-analíticas, também utilizamos o programa de linguística de corpus WordSmith Tools para realizar análises quantitativas. Os resultados das análises nos levaram à confirmação das hipóteses iniciais: o discurso das notícias reforça estereótipos de vítima e agressor, típicos de uma estrutura social patriarcal, na qual é atribuída à vítima ou aos vícios (álcool e drogas) a responsabilidade da violência sofrida; além disso, a violência de gênero é apresentada como um problema individual e associada às classes sociais menos favorecidas; e, por último, o discurso das notícias apresenta grande parte dos crimes de violência de gênero como crimes passionais.

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Las relaciones entre los gabinetes de Comunicación de los clubes de fútbol y los periodistas deportivos se enmarcan en el modelo de Gieber y Johnson (1961) por el que el hecho de que ambos compartan objetivos comunes, donde los gabinetes de Comunicación necesitan que los medios publiquen determinadas informaciones y los periodistas precisan de noticias que publicar, provoca una pérdida de independencia por parte de los periodistas, ya que necesitan a esos departamentos como fuentes. En la actualidad, los departamentos de Comunicación de los clubes de fútbol, como el del FC Barcelona, se han constituido en gatekeepers. Esto ha acentuado las históricas diferencias que existen entre los periodistas y los profesionales de la comunicación corporativa, incrementado por el control informativo de estos departamentos lo que provoca constantes tensiones entre ambos.

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It has been said that “journalism is the first rough draft of history.” If that be the case, much of Montana’s history since 1970 was first written by Chuck Johnson. He has covered the activities of 20 regular sessions of the Legislature plus an untold number of Special Sessions, the Constitutional Convention, nine Governors, eight US Senators and seven US Congressmen. Primary elections, general elections, state and national Party Conventions have been seen by Montanans through Johnson’s prism. Big and little news about policy, insights about politics, and a sense of the people behind the news (and history) has flowed from Chuck Johnson’s pen. Johnson’s first decade as a journalist coincides substantially with the period of “In the Crucible of Change.” Having been one of those who wrote the first draft of much of the history in the series “In the Crucible of Change,” and as “Dean of Montana’s Capitol Reporters,” Chuck’s reflections and insights about the period are conveyed in this film with a maturity and understanding that can only come from one who has spent decades honing is craft to perfection. Chuck Johnson is a journalist who has covered Montana state government and politics since 1970. Since 1992, he has been bureau chief of the Lee Newspapers State Bureau in Helena, writing for the Lee daily newspapers: the Billings Gazette, The Montana Standard (Butte), Helena Independent Record, The Missoulian, and the Ravalli Republic (Hamilton). Johnson, a Great Falls native raised in Helena, was exposed to politics early on when he was taken up to the Legislature one night to watch the debate on the raging issue of the day--whether stores should be allowed to give trading stamps to customers. He received a B.A. in journalism and an M.A. history from the University of Montana. Johnson spent a year studying politics and economics at Oxford University in England on a Rotary Foundation scholarship. He previously was chief of the Great Falls Tribune Capitol Bureau and worked for the Associated Press, Missoulian and Helena Independent Record. Chuck and his wife Pat reside in Helena.

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Includes index.

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"Readings" at end of each chapter.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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Artykuł przedstawia news telewizyjny jako akt retoryczny. News telewizyjny rozumiany jest jako relacja o wydarzeniu zbudowana zazwyczaj z zapowiedzi i krótkiego kilkuminutowego materiału filmowego (nazywanego czasem felietonem), będącego rezultatem pracy reporter-skiej, wyemitowana w telewizji, zazwyczaj jako jeden z elementów w strukturze magazynu informacyjnego, ale również jako element bloków programowych telewizji informacyjnych. Newsy telewizyjne funkcjonują w mediach jako jeden z elementów działań strategicznych nadawców medialnych nastawionych na określone cele, w tym cele wizerunkowe, polityczne i ekonomiczne. Newsy powstają jako reakcja na konkretne wydarzenia, zaspokajają potrzebę informacji, ale służą też kreowaniu obrazu świata, skupianiu uwagi na pewnych aspektach rze-czywistości, wartościowaniu jej, przekonywaniu o ważności lub nieważności pewnych zda-rzeń. Pełnią funkcje informacyjne, ale też kreacyjne, wzorcotwórcze, stymulacyjne, wartościu-jące, i w końcu estetyczne. Dla osiągnięcia tych celów są odpowiednio konstruowane, z uwzględnieniem specyfiki i potrzeb odbiorcy oraz ethosu nadawcy. W tym sensie są więc ak-tami „retorycznymi”, a więc zamierzonymi, celowymi, będącymi odpowiedzią na określoną sytuację (uwarunkowane są historycznie, społecznie i politycznie) i adresowanymi do określo-nych odbiorców.

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In mapping the evolutionary process of online news and the socio-cultural factors determining this development, this paper has a dual purpose. First, in reworking the definition of “online communication”, it argues that despite its seemingly sudden emergence in the 1990s, the history of online news started right in the early days of the telegraphs and spread throughout the development of the telephone and the fax machine before becoming computer-based in the 1980s and Web-based in the 1990s. Second, merging macro-perspectives on the dynamic of media evolution by DeFleur and Ball-Rokeach (1989) and Winston (1998), the paper consolidates a critical point for thinking about new media development: that something technically feasible does not always mean that it will be socially accepted and/or demanded. From a producer-centric perspective, the birth and development of pre-Web online news forms have been more or less generated by the traditional media’s sometimes excessive hype about the power of new technologies. However, placing such an emphasis on technological potentials at the expense of their social conditions not only can be misleading but also can be detrimental to the development of new media, including the potential of today’s online news.

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In this article we revisit a famous chapter of Brazilian history, yet to be properly analysed from an ethnological perspective: the `Tamoio confederation,` a coalition of 16th century coastal Tupian groups who threatened to undermine Portuguese colonization during the dispute between the French and Portuguese for the Guanabara region (now Rio de Janeiro). Was this `confederation` a new phenomenon in Tupian politics, engendered by the Conquest and inducing a shift towards political centralization? Or was it, on the contrary, the actualization of a possibility already (always) present in Tupian forms of political organization and action? These are the questions guiding our inquiry, which we seek to answer through the use of both historical sources and the in-depth ethnological knowledge of Tupi-Guarani peoples developed by various authors over recent decades.