902 resultados para Net Neutrality, Internet


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The ways in which Internet traffic is managed have direct consequences on Internet users’ rights as well as on their capability to compete on a level playing field. Network neutrality mandates to treat Internet traffic in a non-discriminatory fashion in order to maximise end users’ freedom and safeguard an open Internet. This book is the result of a collective work aimed at providing deeper insight into what is network neutrality, how does it relates to human rights and free competition and how to properly frame this key issue through sustainable policies and regulations. The Net Neutrality Compendium stems from three years of discussions nurtured by the members of the Dynamic Coalition on Network Neutrality (DCNN), an open and multistakeholder group, established under the aegis of the United Nations Internet Governance Forum (IGF).

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Network neutrality is a growing policy controversy. Traffic management techniques affect not only high-speed, high-money content, but by extension all other content too. Internet regulators and users may tolerate much more discrimination in the interests of innovation. For instance, in the absence of regulatory oversight, ISPs could use Deep Packet Inspection (DPI) to block some content altogether, if they decide it is not to the benefit of ISPs, copyright holders, parents or the government. ISP blocking is currently widespread in controlling spam email, and in some countries in blocking sexually graphic illegal images. In 1999 this led to scrutiny of foreclosure of Instant Messaging and video and cable-telephony horizontal merger. Fourteen years later, there were in 2013 net neutrality laws implemented in Slovenia, the Netherlands, Chile and Finland, regulation in the United States and Canada , co-regulation in Norway, and self-regulation in Japan, the United Kingdom and many other European countries . Both Germany and France in mid-2013 debated new net neutrality legislation, and the European Commission announced on 11 September 2013 that it would aim to introduce legislation in early 2014. This paper analyses these legal developments, and in particular the difficulty in assessing reasonable traffic management and ‘specialized’ (i.e. unregulated) faster services in both EU and US law. It also assesses net neutrality law against the international legal norms for user privacy and freedom of expression

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A lively debate emerged on the proposed “Connected Continent” legislative package presented by the European Commission in September 2013. The package contains a proposed rule on the ‘open Internet’, which was heavily discussed in European Parliament hearings in early December. This commentary argues that while the proposed rule is in principle balanced and appealing, it is utterly impractical due to the enormous uncertainty that its application would entail. At the same time, the rule is very far from what neutrality proponents have argued for almost a decade: rather than the place for internet freedom, it would transform the Web into a place requiring constant micro-management and tutoring of user behaviour. Both arguments lead to the conclusion that the current proposal should be at once reformed and analysed under a more holistic lens. On the one hand, Europe should launch an ambitious project for the future, converged infrastructure by mobilising resources and reforming rules to encourage investment into ubiquitous, converged, ‘always on’ connectivity. On the other hand, enhanced legal certainty for broadband investment could justify a more neutrality-oriented approach to traffic management practices on the Internet. The author proposes a new approach to Internet regulation which, altogether, will lead to a more balanced and sustainable model for the future, without jeopardising user freedom.

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Some discussion points about net neutrality

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Resumen tomado de la revista

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La tesi analizza il problema della Net Neutrality, prendendo in esame le aziende telefoniche italiane e la loro posizione rispetto al problema.

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When they look at Internet policy, EU policymakers seem mesmerised, if not bewitched, by the word ‘neutrality’. Originally confined to the infrastructure layer, today the neutrality rhetoric is being expanded to multi-sided platforms such as search engines and more generally online intermediaries. Policies for search neutrality and platform neutrality are invoked to pursue a variety of policy objectives, encompassing competition, consumer protection, privacy and media pluralism. This paper analyses this emerging debate and comes to a number of conclusions. First, mandating net neutrality at the infrastructure layer might have some merit, but it certainly would not make the Internet neutral. Second, since most of the objectives initially associated with network neutrality cannot be realistically achieved by such a rule, the case for network neutrality legislation would have to stand on different grounds. Third, the fact that the Internet is not neutral is mostly a good thing for end users, who benefit from intermediaries that provide them with a selection of the over-abundant information available on the Web. Fourth, search neutrality and platform neutrality are fundamentally flawed principles that contradict the economics of the Internet. Fifth, neutrality is a very poor and ineffective recipe for media pluralism, and as such should not be invoked as the basis of future media policy. All these conclusions have important consequences for the debate on the future EU policy for the Digital Single Market.

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L’objectif de cette thèse est double. Premièrement, il s’agira de comprendre l’impact que l’internet peut avoir sur la démocratie, c’est-à-dire de montrer ce que cette technologie change à la démocratie, en développant un cadre conceptuel précis et en m’appuyant sur un corpus empirique important. Il s’agira ensuite de développer un projet normatif, afin de montrer ce qu’il est nécessaire de faire afin de garantir que l’impact de l’internet sur la démocratie sera positif. Pour mener à bien ces objectifs, il me faudra d’abord disposer d’une conception claire de la démocratie. C’est pourquoi je proposerai dans une première partie de la comprendre à partir du concept d’autonomie politique dont je proposerai une analyse conceptuelle au premier chapitre. J’analyserai ensuite deux éléments centraux de ce concept, à savoir la vie privée et l’espace public. Je proposerai dans une deuxième partie une analyse à la fois précise et empiriquement fondée de l’impact de l’internet sur ces deux éléments, afin de présenter un argument qui ne sera pas simplement a priori ou spéculatif. Les conclusions que je présenterai ne vaudront, cependant, que pour l’internet tel qu’il est aujourd’hui, car il est certain qu’il peut évoluer. Il est alors tout à fait possible que ses propriétés cessent de permettre l’augmentation de l’autonomie politique que je décris au cours de ma deuxième partie. Il est donc important de mener à bien une réflexion normative afin d’identifier dans quelle mesure il pourrait être nécessaire de faire quelque chose afin de garantir l’impact positif de l’internet sur l’autonomie politique. Je montrerai donc dans une dernière partie qu’il est nécessaire d’assurer à l’internet une architecture non-discriminante, mais qu’il n’est pas nécessaire de protéger outre mesure la générativité de son écosystème. Je conclurai en montrant l’importance d’offrir à tous des éléments d’une littératie numérique, si l’on souhaite que tous puissent bénéficier des opportunités offertes par le réseau des réseaux.

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Incluye bibliografía

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, 2016.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)