717 resultados para Neoliberal governance


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Development and environmental issues of small cities in developing countries have largely been overlooked although these settlements are of global demographic importance and often face a "triple challenge"; that is, they have limited financial and human resources to address growing environmental problems that are related to both development (e.g., pollution) and under-development (e.g., inadequate water supply). Neoliberal policy has arguably aggravated this challenge as public investments in infrastructure generally declined while the focus shifted to the metropolitan "economic growth machines". This paper develops a conceptual framework and agenda for the study of small cities in the global south, their environmental dynamics, governance and politics in the current neoliberal context. While small cities are governed in a neoliberal policy context, they are not central to neoliberalism, and their (environmental) governance therefore seems to differ from that of global cities. Furthermore, "actually existing" neoliberal governance of small cities is shaped by the interplay of regional and local politics and environmental situations. The approach of urban political ecology and the concept of rural-urban linkages are used to consider these socio-ecological processes. The conceptual framework and research agenda are illustrated in the case of India, where the agency of small cities in regard to environmental governance seems to remain limited despite formal political decentralization.

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This article examines the process of neoliberalization in the Shenzhen special economic zone in Guangdong province, China. Building on the case study of a former peasant and almost single-lineage village that has become a part of Shenzhen city, I show how neoliberal principles aimed at advancing the transition to capitalism are combined with and countered by other ethical traditions. Owing to the long-standing conception of the lineage as an enterprise, the maintenance of the lineage structure in the transformation of the rural collectives has offered fertile ground for the emergence of a local capitalist coalition. Yet the current discourses on the necessity of obliterating the remains of the collective economy and introducing individual ownership run counter to the collectivist values of the lineage-village community and the embeddedness of its economy in kinship and territorial ties. I further illustrate this discordance by the way in which the villagers managed to save their founding ancestor's gravesite following government requests to clear the land by removing tombs. These policies form a complex blend of state interventions in the economy, neoliberal governance and Confucian principles.

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Les changements socioéconomiques des dernières décennies ont profondément transformé le rapport qu’entretient le Québec avec ses professionnels de la santé. En ouvrant le champ à l’accumulation privée du capital dans les années 1990, se met en place au sein de la fonction publique une philosophie politique issue du monde des affaires. Dès lors, le paradigme de la gouvernance investit les hôpitaux, où exerce 65 % de l’effectif infirmier québécois. Des chercheurs ont investigué les contraintes et torts subis par les infirmières consécutivement à la restructuration du système de santé, cependant, peu d’entre eux ont tenu compte des rapports de force et des structures de pouvoir dans lesquels s’enracine le vécu des infirmières. La présente étude a pour but d’explorer les expériences vécues d’infirmières soignantes politiquement engagées qui exercent en centre hospitalier (CH), de rendre compte de l’ordre social existant au sein de cette institution, de décrire la façon dont elles aimeraient idéalement exercer et de répertorier les idées qu’elles ont et les actions qu’elles mettent en place individuellement ou collectivement de façon à favoriser la transformation de l’ordre social et de l’exercice infirmier en CH. Épistémologiquement, notre étude qualitative s’inscrit dans cette idée que la réalité est complexe, mouvante et dépendante de la perception des personnes, proposant une orientation compréhensive et contextualisée de l’action humaine et du politique; c’est ainsi que le point de vue politique des infirmières participantes est pris en compte. L’articulation des expériences vécues, de l’idéal normatif et de l’action politique des participantes est explorée suivant une perspective postmoderniste, praxéologique et dialectique issue de la théorie critique qui réfléchit non seulement sur ce qui est, mais également sur ce qui est souhaitable; une réflexion qui sous certaines conditions s’ouvre sur l’action transformatrice. Les notions de pouvoir, de rapport de force, de résistance et d’émancipation influencent notre analyse. Au terme de cette étude, les résultats indiquent la présence d’une déprofessionnalisation graduelle en faveur d’une technicisation du soin infirmier et d’une dérive autoritaire grandissante au sein des CH s’arrimant au registre sémantique de l’économie de marché à partir des notions d’efficacité, de performance et d’optimisation. Les infirmières soignantes perçues comme des « automates performants » se voient exclues des processus décisionnels, ce qui les prive de leurs libertés de s’exprimer et de se faire critiques devant ce qui a été convenu par ceux qui occupent les hautes hiérarchies du pouvoir hospitalier et qui déterminent à leur place la façon dont s’articule l’exercice infirmier. Le pouvoir disciplinaire hospitalier, par l’entremise de technologies politiques comme la surveillance continue, les représailles et la peur, la technicisation du soin et le temps supplémentaire obligatoire, concourt à la subjectivation des infirmières soignantes, en minimisant l’importance de leur jugement clinique, en affaiblissant la solidarité collective et en mettant au pas l’organisation syndicale, ce qui détournent ces infirmières de la revendication de leurs droits et idéaux d’émancipation les ramenant à une position subalterne. Nos résultats indiquent que les actions politiques que les participantes souhaitent déployer au sein des CH visent l’humanisation des soins et l’autodétermination professionnelle. Toutefois, nombre des actions répertoriées avaient pour finalité fonctionnelle la protection et la survie des infirmières au sein d’un dispositif hospitalier déshumanisant. Certaines infirmières soignantes s’objectent en conscience, déploient des actions de non-coopération individuelles et collectives, font preuve d’actes de désobéissance civile ou souhaitent agir en ce sens pour établir un rapport de force nécessaire à la prise en compte de leurs revendications par une gouvernance hospitalière qui autrement ferait la sourde oreille. Le pouvoir exercé de façon hostile par la gouvernance hospitalière doit à notre avis être contrecarré par une force infirmière collective égale ou supérieure, sans quoi les politiques qui lui sont associées continueront de leur être imposées. Le renouvellement radical de la démocratie hospitalière apparaît comme la finalité centrale vers laquelle doivent s’articuler les actions infirmières collectives qui permettront l’établissement d’un nouveau rapport de force puisque c’est à partir de celle-ci que les infirmières soignantes pourront débattre de l’orientation que doit prendre l’exercice infirmier.

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The purpose of this dissertation is to contribute to a better understanding of how global seafood trade interacts with the governance of small-scale fisheries (SSFs). As global seafood trade expands, SSFs have the potential to experience significant economic, social, and political benefits from participation in export markets. At the same time, market connections that place increasing pressures on resources pose risks to both the ecological and social integrity of SSFs. This dissertation seeks to explore the factors that mediate between the potential benefits and risks of global seafood markets for SSFs, with the goal of developing hypotheses regarding these relationships.

The empirical investigation consists of a series of case studies from the Yucatan Peninsula, Mexico. This is a particularly rich context in which to study global market connections with SSFs because the SSFs in this region engage in a variety of market-oriented harvests, most notably for octopus, groupers and snappers, lobster, and sea cucumber. Variation in market forms and the institutional diversity of local-level governance arrangements allows the dissertation to explore a number of examples.

The analysis is guided primarily by common-pool resource (CPR) theory because of the insights it provides regarding the conditions that facilitate collective action and the factors that promote long-lasting resource governance arrangements. Theory from institutional economics and political ecology contribute to the elaboration of a multi-faceted conceptualization of markets for CPR theory, with the aim of facilitating the identification of mechanisms through which markets and CPR governance actually interact. This dissertation conceptualizes markets as sets of institutions that structure the exchange of property rights over fisheries resources, affect the material incentives to harvest resources, and transmit ideas and values about fisheries resources and governance.

The case studies explore four different mechanisms through which markets potentially influence resource governance: 1) Markets can contribute to costly resource governance activities by offsetting costs through profits, 2) markets can undermine resource governance by generating incentives for noncompliance and lead to overharvesting resources, 3) markets can increase the costs of resource governance, for example by augmenting monitoring and enforcement burdens, and 4) markets can alter values and norms underpinning resource governance by transmitting ideas between local resource users and a variety of market actors.

Data collected using participant observation, survey, informal and structured interviews contributed to the elaboration of the following hypotheses relevant to interactions between global seafood trade and SSFs governance. 1) Roll-back neoliberalization of fisheries policies has undermined cooperatives’ ability to achieve financial success through engagement with markets and thus their potential role as key actors in resource governance (chapter two). 2) Different relations of production influence whether local governance institutions will erode or strengthen when faced with market pressures. In particular, relations of production in which fishers own their own means of production and share the collective costs of governance are more likely to strengthen resource governance while relations of production in which a single entrepreneur controls capital and access to the fishery are more likely to contribute to the erosion of resource governance institutions in the face of market pressures (chapter three). 3) By serving as a new discursive framework within which to conceive of and talk about fisheries resources, markets can influence norms and values that shape and constitute governance arrangements.

In sum, the dissertation demonstrates that global seafood trade manifests in a diversity of local forms and effects. Whether SSFs moderate risks and take advantage of benefits depends on a variety of factors, and resource users themselves have the potential to influence the outcomes of seafood market connections through local forms of collective action.

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Este trabalho contempla o descasamento entre a extraordinária expansão do campo do gestão estratégica (GE) e as crescentes críticas à incapacidade de lidar com as crises da globalização neoliberal. A análise crítica mostra como a universalização do americanismo é acompanhada pela universalização do management e do strategic management. Em seguida, explora como os discursos neoliberais de mercado e não-mercado reproduzem discursos simplistas que contribuem para a legitimação da atuação das corporações em escala global. Por fim, é tratada a preferência pela grande corporação moderna, por meio da marginalização de outros formatos organizacionais de grande relevância principalmente para economias emergentes. O framework integrativo resultante é então aplicado a uma seleção de artigos científicos de GE que permitiu a identificação de cinco temas: geopolítica do conhecimento, empiricismo cientificista, concepções simplificadas de mercado e instituições, governança corporativa e capitalismo. A exploração da conexão entre o conhecimento em GE e o ordenamento econômico e geopolítico do neoliberalismo mostra como o campo pode ter relevância para a sociedade, além de promover a aproximação do mainstream com as perspectivas críticas.

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Whilst shopping malls have been explored at length by critical urban studies, there has been little exploration of their role in restructuring the practice of urban and spatial planning. This article uses the shopping mall as an object of study in the light of the neoliberal trends and post-metropolisation in Southern Europe, with the aim of exploring challenges for urban governance and planning practice and with a focus on the role of the ongoing economic crisis. A threefold exploratory framework – the ‘lost-in-time scenario’, the ‘messianic mall model’ and the ‘(im)mature planning explanation’ – is used to make sense of the local versions of shopping mall development in Lisbon (Portugal) and Palermo (Southern Italy). According to findings, we highlight the clash between the multi-scalar nature of shopping malls and the dominance of the municipal scale in regulatory planning frameworks, and the risk that shopping mall development (at least in Southern Europe) may replicate uneven development patterns, reproducing the pre-conditions of the crisis without helping to overcome it.

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The groundbreaking scope of the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the European Union (EU) and Cariforum (CF) irrefutably marks a substantive shift in trade relations between the regions and also has far-reaching implications across several sectors and levels. Supplementing the framework of analysis of Structural Foreign Policy (SFP) with neo-Gramscian theory allows for a thorough investigation into the details of structural embeddedness based on the EU's historic directionality towards the Caribbean region; notably, encouraging integration into the global capitalist economy by adapting to and adopting the ideals of neoliberal economics. Whilst the Caribbean – as the first and only signatory of a ‘full’ EPA – may be considered the case par excellence of the success of the EPAs, this paper demonstrates that there is no cause-effect relationship between the singular case of the ‘full’ CF-EU EPA and the success of the EPA policy towards the ACP in general. The research detailed throughout this paper responds to two SFP-based questions: (1) To what extent is the EPA a SFP tool aimed at influencing and shaping the structures in the Caribbean? (2) To what extent is the internalisation of this process reflective of the EU as a hegemonic SFP actor vis-à-vis the Caribbean? This paper affirms both the role of the EU as a hegemonic SFP actor and the EPA as a hegemonic SFP tool. Research into the negotiation, agreement and controversy that surrounds every stage of the EPA confirmed that through modern diplomacy and an evolution in relations, consensus is at the fore of contemporary EU-Caribbean relations. Whilst at once dealing with the singular case of the Caribbean, the author offers a nuanced approach beyond 'EU navel-gazing' by incorporating an ‘outside-in’ perspective, which thereafter could be applied to EU-ACP relations and the North-South dialogue in general.

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In recent years there has been a resurgence of decentralized social governance concerned with the spatial dimensions of disadvantage. This article examines aspects of this resurgence in the Australian state of Queensland where, after the hasty birth of 'place management' in response to the rise of 'Hansonism', a plethora of 'joined-up' policy initiatives were undertaken in relation to the regional dimensions of poverty. We propose that these trends reflect in part new ways of thinking about the spatial aspects of disadvantage which have emerged in recent years and which have the potential to take regional policy beyond the narrow confines imposed by neoliberal economic orthodoxy. These new ways of thinking have arisen in social policy through the refraining of disadvantage in terms of social exclusion and in regional economic policy through the influence of the so-called 'new regionalism'. The article shows how together these bodies of theory point us towards a new model of 'associational governance'. The article reviews recent Queensland experience and indicates those features of 'associational governance' which have become characteristic of locality-based social policy ideas in Queensland. 'Joined-up' and regional policy aspirations of the Queensland State government have shown the influence of these new approaches. The political and policy sustainability of these trends, however, is uncertain. The lingering shadow of managerialism and neoliberal policy frameworks remains a significant barrier to the innovation and viability of these approaches. More directly, the inherent limits of the 'local' or 'regional' initiatives in the face of broader national and global factors will significantly constrain the capacity of associational governance systems to deliver positive democratic, social and economic outcomes. The article examines recent Queensland policy refors in light of this complex set of factors and concludes by offering directions for future research and policy development.

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Recent studies of new institutional spaces typically underplay the uneven and contested process of institutional change by undervaluing the role of inherited institutions and discourses. This is a critical issue as neoliberal networked forms of governance interact with inherited institutional arrangements, characterised by important path dependencies that guide actors. Contradiction and tensions can emerge, culminating in crisis tendencies, and producing both discursive and material contestation between actors. It is with an understanding of path dependencies, ideas (structured into discourses), and (perceived and actual) crisis tendencies that this paper examines contested institutional change through a case-study analysis of one city, and a critical engagement with neoinstitutionalism. The purpose is to examine, firstly, the significance of inherited path-dependent arrangements in fostering conflict and crisis tendencies during interaction with emergent state action; secondly, the extent to which crisis is evident in processes of institutional change and the form that this takes; and, thirdly, the importance of ideas in producing institutional transformation. It is found that institutional conflict is evident between inherited institutions and emergent state action, and stems both from the way agents are organised by the state and from certain path dependencies, but that this does not lead to an actual material crisis. Rather, the nation-state, in partnership with senior city government actors, use ideational/discursive ‘crisis talk’ as a means by which to induce institutional change. The role of ideas has been in critical in this process as the nation-state frames problems and solutions in line with its existing policy paradigm and institutional arrangements, and with discourses further reinforcing existing material power relations.

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In the UK there has been a proliferation of agencies at differing regulatory scales as part of the rescaling and restructuring of the state by New Labour, following the neoliberal policies of previous Conservative governments. This raises questions concerning the extent to which New Labour's urban state restructuring is embedded within neoliberalism, and the local tensions and contradictions arising from emergent New Labour urban state restructuring. This paper examines these questions through the analysis of key policy features of New Labour, and the in-depth exploration of two programmes that are reshaping urban governance arrangements, namely Local Strategic Partnerships (LSPs) and New Deal for Communities (NDC) programmes. We conclude that New Labour's restructuring is best understood in terms of the extended reproduction (roll-out) of neoliberalism. While these “new institutional fixes” are only weakly established and exhibit internal contradictions and tensions, these have not led to a broader contestation of neoliberalism.

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This dissertation analyzes processes of globalization, through a critical examination of the dynamics of neoliberalism in the Americas. It employs and also develops a Foucauldian governmentality analytical framework, demonstrating how such a framework contributes to our understanding of world politics. This dissertation also develops the concept of a liberal political imaginary—consisting of the market, society, and the state—and utilizes this as an analytical framework for understanding the globalization of neoliberal forms of governance. The research suggests that discourses and practices of globalization, global civil society, and global governance represent a fundamental transformation in the way that contemporary social and political reality is understood, and that this has significant consequences for the kinds of political practices and relations that are possible. Moreover, the research suggests the globalization of a neoliberal form of competitive subjectivity that can be applied to a broad range of actors—from individuals to nation-states and international organizations—is reshaping contemporary world politics. The dissertation concludes by suggesting how Foucauldian IR can move forward by incorporating studies of contemporary transformations in capitalism into their analyses.