Community justice : striving for safe, secure, and just communities /

"March 1996."

Libraries and neighborhood information centers; papers presented at an institute conducted by the University of Illinois Graduate School of Library Science, October 24-27, 1971.

Bibliography: p. 138-140.

Directory of neighborhood recycling centers in Illinois.

Mode of access: Internet.

Stalking in America : findings from the National Violence Against Women Survey /

"April 1998."

CRIMINAL JUSTICE, VICTIM SUPPORT CENTERS, AND THE EMOTIONAL WELLBEING OF CRIME VICTIMS

SUMMARY (Français au-dessous)After the Second World War, the role of the victim in criminal conflict became an objectof interest for academics. But it was only in the 1960s that the importance of providingprotection and assistance to crime victims was highlighted in particular by the victims'movement, which inaugurated a new era of criminal justice in systems throughout the world.Moving beyond just the role of controlling crime and punishing the offender, the criminaljustice system also began to contribute to the victims' rehabilitation and to help the victim tomove on from the event psychologically and emotionally.Although some criminological research has been conducted, to date the effect that thecriminal justice system and victim support services have on the well-being of crime victims isstill uncertain.The current study sought to understand better the healing process of victims of crime, thepotential consequences of their participation on the criminal justice system, and the supportof victim centers. Moreover, it aimed to find out whether the existence of a Victim SupportAct would change the treatment that the victim receives in the criminal justice system. Thusthis research was conducted based in two countries - Switzerland and Brazil - where theoutcome of the victims' movement on the criminal justice system was different, as was theparticipation of the victim in the criminal justice system and the government's provision ofsupport.In order to conduct this research we employed the qualitative method, which is the mostefficient to gather sensitive information. Interviews with crime victims were the main sourceof information. Hearing observation and document research were used as complementarysources.The results of this research show that victims who have contact with the criminal justicesystem and victim services are not more likely to recover than those who had no contact. Thisis to say, the support offered has no major effects; the influence of the criminal justice systemand the victim support services in the emotional well-being of crime victims is rather neutral.However, considering that the sample is not representative, findings are not expected to begeneralized. Instead, findings may give insight to practitioners or to future criminal justicepolicy makers, suggesting what may work to improve the emotional well-being of crimevictims, as well as suggesting further studies.________________________________________________________________________________RÉSUMÉAprès la deuxième guerre mondiale, le rôle de la victime est devenu un objet d'intérêtpour les académiciens. Par contre, c'est seulement dans les années 60 que l'importance defournir de la protection et de l'appui aux victimes d'infractions a été accentuée, en particulierpar un mouvement ― victims' mouvement ―, qui a inauguré un nouveau temps dans lajustice pénale des systèmes juridiques du monde entier. A part la fonction de contrôler lecrime et de punir le délinquant, le système de justice pénale joue également un rôle dans laréhabilitation des victimes.Malgré la réalisation de plusieurs recherches criminologiques sur ce sujet, les effets que lesystème de la justice pénale et les centres d'aides aux victimes ont sur le bien-être desvictimes d'infractions est encore incertain.Ainsi cette étude cherche à mieux comprendre le processus de réhabilitation des victimesd'infraction, les conséquences de leur participation dans le système de justice pénale ainsique la portée de l'appui des centres d'aide. De plus, l'étude vise à découvrir si l'existenced'une loi d'aide aux victimes, particulièrement la Loi d'Aide aux Victimes d'InfractionsLAVI, est susceptible de changer le traitement que la victime reçoit dans le système de lajustice pénale. Pour cela, elle a été conduite dans deux pays - la Suisse et le Brésil - où lesconséquences du mouvement des victimes sur le système de la justice pénale a eu undéveloppement différent; il en va de même pour la participation de la victime dans laprocédure pénale et pour l'appui offert par l'Etat.Cette étude utilise la méthode qualitative qui est la plus efficace pour le recueild'informations sensibles. La plus importante source des données sont les interviews avec lesvictimes. L'observation des audiences et l'analyse de documents ont été utilisés en tant quesources d'information complementáire.Les résultats de cette recherche montrent que les victimes qui ont porté plainte et qui ontreçu l'appui des centres d'aides ne sont pas mieux rétablies que celles qui n'ont rien fait. C'estainsi que nous avons conclu que les services offerts n'ont aucune influence dans ce processus.Cependant, considérant que notre échantillon n'est pas représentatif, il n'est pas possible degénéraliser nos résultats. Néanmoins, ceux-ci peuvent éclairer les praticiens ou les futursdécideurs politiques de la justice pénale, suggérant ce qui peut fonctionner pour lerétablissement des victimes d'infraction, aussi bien que suggérer d'autres études.

Assessing perceptions of environmental risk and environmental justice and their impacts on neighborhood attachment in a predominately Hispanic community

This study examines and relates concepts from environmental risk perception and environmental justice and focuses on the perception of environmental problems, their consequent health risks and their impact on neighborhood attachment in a predominately Hispanic community along the U.S.-Mexico border. The findings indicate that the perception of environmental problems in the immediate area varies by problem and demographic subgroup. Ethnicity and income have the highest number of statistically significant associations across ten environmental problems. This result lies in the fact that Hispanics in El Paso County and those with low annual incomes live in neighborhoods that are faced with more severe environmental problems. Thus the findings lend support to the environmental justice claim that the poor and minorities bear the brunt of environmental degradation. ^ The findings also provide evidence that public perception of health risks from an environmental problem is influenced by the perceived severity of an environmental problem in the immediate area. Those who believe the problem is serious on a local level are the ones who are most likely to believe that they could become ill or injured from that problem and that the illness/injury will be serious. ^ The findings of this study also indicate that the young, Hispanics, those who perceive considerable environmental problems in their neighborhood, those who believe that their neighborhood has more environmental problems than others, and those who are angry about those problems are most likely to want to move from their neighborhood. ^ Efforts need to be made to enact policies and programs designed to reduce the environmental hazards in disadvantaged Hispanic communities along the U.S.-Mexico border. Future environmental education campaigns need to complement community-based projects with the media. Programs that involve and empower the community, particularly the youth, in improving the neighborhood could provide a sense of control and pride within their community in solving these problems. These neighborhood improvement efforts could also lead to the development and strengthening of social ties within the community, as well as enhanced community cohesiveness in tackling these problems. ^

Neighborhood centers today, action programs for a rapidly changing world; report of a survey.

Includes bibliographical references.

Plan of quarter section with two neighborhood centers

Ink on linen. Street plan with parks and centers, pools, footpaths, tennis courts, gardens. Signed. 97 cm. 84 cm. Scale: 1' = 120' [from photographic copy by Lance Burgharrdt]

Extrême pauvreté et justice globale : une réflexion philosophique sur le concept de responsabilité dans une perspective cosmopolitique

Le problème de l’extrême pauvreté dans le Tiers-monde n’est pas d’abord une question économique. Il est avant tout politique parce qu’il est la conséquence directe des choix de société et de l’organisation du pouvoir au niveau des États et des diverses instances de la communauté internationale. Le politique a pour objet la conquête du pouvoir et la répartition des richesses à grande échelle. Il s’agit aussi d’un problème moral parce que les options prises collectivement par les peuples et le concert des nations ne s’orientent pas toujours vers la vertu de justice et l’égalité de chances pour tous. Extrême pauvreté et justice globale forment un binôme qui nous ramène donc au cœur de la philosophie politique et morale. Après la Seconde guerre mondiale, la philosophie politique a élargi ses horizons. Elle réfléchit davantage à l’exercice du pouvoir sur la scène internationale et la distribution des richesses au niveau mondial. Le phénomène de la mondialisation économique crée une dépendance mutuelle et d’importantes influences multilatérales entre les États. Plus que par le passé, l’autarcie n’est guère envisageable. Le dogme de la souveraineté intangible des États, issu du Traité de Westphalie au XVIIe siècle, s’avère de plus en plus caduque au regard des enjeux communs auxquels l’humanité fait actuellement face. D’où la nécessité d’une redéfinition du sens des souverainetés nationales et d’une fondation des droits cosmopolitiques pour chaque individu de la planète. Voilà pourquoi le binôme extrême pauvreté/justice globale nécessite une réflexion philosophique sur le concept de la responsabilité qui s’étend non seulement sur la sphère nationale, mais aussi sur une large amplitude cosmopolitique. L’expression « pays du Tiers-monde » peut sembler archaïque, péjorative et humiliante. Cependant, mieux que celles de « pays sous-développés » ou « pays en voie de développement », elle rend compte, sans euphémisme, de la réalité crue, brute et peu élégante de la misère politique et économique qui y sévit. Bien qu’elle semble désuète, elle délimite assez clairement le domaine de définition conceptuel et géographique de notre champ d’investigation philosophique. Elle désigne l’ensemble des pays qui sont exclus de la richesse économique répartie entre les nations. Étant donné que le pouvoir économique va généralement avec le pouvoir politique, cet ensemble est aussi écarté des centres décisionnels majeurs. Caractérisée par une pauvreté extrême, la réalité tiers-mondiste nécessité une analyse minutieuse des causes de cette marginalisation économique et politique à outrance. Une typologie de la notion de responsabilité en offre une figure conceptuelle avec une géométrie de six angles : la causalité, la moralité, la capacité, la communauté, le résultat et la solidarité, comme fondements de la réparation. Ces aspects sous lesquels la responsabilité est étudiée, sont chapeautés par des doctrines philosophiques de types conséquentialiste, utilitariste, déontologique et téléologique. La typologie de la responsabilité donne lieu à plusieurs solutions : aider par philanthropie à sauver des vies humaines ; établir et assigner des responsabilités afin que les torts passés et présents soient réparés aussi bien au niveau national qu’international ; promouvoir l’obligation de protéger dans un contexte international sain qui prenne en considération le devoir négatif de ne pas nuire aux plus défavorisés de la planète ; institutionnaliser des règles transfrontalières de justice ainsi que des droits cosmopolitiques. Enfin, nous entendrons par omniresponsabilité la responsabilité de tous vis-à-vis de ceux qui subissent les affres de l’extrême pauvreté dans le Tiers-monde. Loin d’être un concept-valise fourre-tout, c’est un ensemble de responsabilités partagées par des acteurs identifiables de la scène mondiale, en vue de la coréparation due aux victimes de l’injustice globale. Elle vise un telos : l’épanouissement du bien-être du citoyen du monde.

Cobalt-related impurity centers in diamond: electronic properties and hyperfine parameters

Cobalt-related impurity centers in diamond have been studied using first principles calculations. We computed the symmetry, formation and transition energies, and hyperfine parameters of cobalt impurities in isolated configurations and in complexes involving vacancies and nitrogen atoms. We found that the Co impurity in a divacant site is energetically favorable and segregates nitrogen atoms in its neighborhood. Our results are discussed in the context of the recently observed Co-related electrically active centers in synthetic diamond.

Global Capitalism, Immigrant Labor, and the Struggle for Justice

Around the world borders are militarized, states are stepping up repressive anti-immigrant controls, and native publics are turning immigrants into scapegoats for the spiraling crisis of global capitalism. The massive displacement and primitive accumulation unleashed by free trade agreements and neo-liberal policies, as well as state and “private” violence has resulted in a virtually inexhaustible immigrant labor reserve for the global economy. State controls over immigration and immigrant labor have several functions for the system: 1) state repression and criminalization of undocumented immigration make immigrants vulnerable and deportable and therefore subject to conditions of super-exploitation, super-control and hyper-surveillance; 2) anti-immigrant repressive apparatuses are themselves ever more important sources of accumulation, ranging from private for-profit immigrant detention centers, to the militarization of borders, and the purchase by states of military hardware and systems of surveillance. Immigrant labor is extremely profitable for the transnational corporate economy; 3) the anti-immigrant policies associated with repressive state apparatuses help turn attention away from the crisis of global capitalism among more privileged sectors of the working class and convert immigrant workers into scapegoats for the crisis, thus deflecting attention from the root causes of the crisis and undermining working class unity. This article focuses on structural and historical underpinnings of the phenomenon of immigrant labor in the new global capitalist system and on how the rise of a globally integrated production and financial system, a transnational capitalist class, and transnational state apparatuses, have led to a reorganization of the world market in labor, including deeper reliance on a rapidly expanding reserve army of immigrant labor and a vicious new anti-immigrant politics. It looks at the United States as an illustration of the larger worldwide situation with regard to immigration and immigrant justice. Finally, it explores the rise of an immigrant justice movement around the world, observes the leading role that immigrant workers often play in worker’s struggles and that a mass immigrant rights movement is at the cutting edge of the struggle against transnational corporate exploitation. We call for replacing the whole concept of national citizenship with that of global citizenship as the only rallying cry that can assure justice and equality for all.

Social Movement Unionism or Social Justice Unionism? Disentangling Theoretical Confusion within the Global Labor Movement

After the election of John Sweeney as President of the AFL-CIO in October 1995, activists and supportive intellectuals in the United States began thinking about how to revitalize the almost moribund American labor movement. A key part of this literature has revolved around the concept of “social movement unionism.” This term touched a nerve, and has garnered widespread usage in North America over the past two decades. However, most researchers using this term have no idea that it was initially developed to understand the new unionism developed by members of specific labor movements in Brazil, the Philippines and South Africa, a type of unionism qualitatively different from that found in North America. This paper argues that the term “social movement unionism” should be confined only to labor organizations developing the same type of unionism, wherever in the world such should be found. Accordingly, this concept should not be utilized in North America today as there are no labor centers or unions present that are developing this type of trade unionism. It is important to clarify this confusion because it is leads to incorrect understandings and miscommunication. Accordingly, the current situation—whereby the same term is used to refer to two qualitatively different social phenomena —theoretically works against efforts to build global labor solidarity. What about the progressive, broad-scope unionism emerging in North America over the past two decades? Taking a page from labor history, this article argues that the proper precedent is progressive unionism developed by the United Packinghouse Workers of America, CIO, and others, and therefore should be referred to as “social justice unionism.” An Appendix provides a measurement tool. The argument is empirically grounded and theoretically developed, allowing us to better understand trade unionism around the globe.

Variables Associated With The Performance Of Centers For Dental Specialties In Brazil.

The aim of this study was to evaluate the performance of the Centers for Dental Specialties (CDS) in the country and associations with sociodemographic indicators of the municipalities, structural variables of services and primary health care organization in the years 2004-2009. The study used secondary data from procedures performed in the CDS to the specialties of periodontics, endodontics, surgery and primary care. Bivariate analysis by χ2 test was used to test the association between the dependent variable (performance of the CDS) with the independents. Then, Poisson regression analysis was performed. With regard to the overall achievement of targets, it was observed that the majority of CDS (69.25%) performance was considered poor/regular. The independent factors associated with poor/regular performance of CDS were: municipalities belonging to the Northeast, South and Southeast regions, with lower Human Development Index (HDI), lower population density, and reduced time to deployment. HDI and population density are important for the performance of the CDS in Brazil. Similarly, the peculiarities related to less populated areas as well as regional location and time of service implementation CDS should be taken into account in the planning of these services.

Oral health in Brazil - Part II: Dental Specialty Centers (CEOs)

The concepts of health promotion, self-care and community participation emerged during the 1970s and, since then, their application has grown rapidly in the developed world, showing evidence of effectiveness. In spite of this, a major part of the population in the developing countries still has no access to specialized dental care such as endodontic treatment, dental care for patients with special needs, minor oral surgery, periodontal treatment and oral diagnosis. This review focuses on a program of the Brazilian Federal Government named CEOs (Dental Specialty Centers), which is an attempt to solve the dental care deficit of a population that is suffering from oral diseases and whose oral health care needs have not been addressed by the regular programs offered by the SUS (Unified National Health System). Literature published from 2000 to the present day, using electronic searches by Medline, Scielo, Google and hand-searching was considered. The descriptors used were Brazil, Oral health, Health policy, Health programs, and Dental Specialty Centers. There are currently 640 CEOs in Brazil, distributed in 545 municipal districts, carrying out dental procedures with major complexity. Based on this data, it was possible to conclude that public actions on oral health must involve both preventive and curative procedures aiming to minimize the oral health distortions still prevailing in developing countries like Brazil.

Estimating HIV-1 incidence using the serologic testing algorithm for recent HIV infections at HIV counseling and testing centers in the city of São Paulo, Brazil

The network of HIV counseling and testing centers in São Paulo, Brazil is a major source of data used to build epidemiological profiles of the client population. We examined HIV-1 incidence from November 2000 to April 2001, comparing epidemiological and socio-behavioral data of recently-infected individuals with those with long-standing infection. A less sensitive ELISA was employed to identify recent infection. The overall incidence of HIV-1 infection was 0.53/100/year (95% CI: 0.31-0.85/100/year): 0.77/100/year for males (95% CI: 0.42-1.27/100/year) and 0.22/100/ year (95% CI: 0.05-0.59/100/year) for females. Overall HIV-1 prevalence was 3.2% (95% CI: 2.8-3.7%), being 4.0% among males (95% CI: 3.3-4.7%) and 2.1% among females (95% CI: 1.6-2.8%). Recent infections accounted for 15% of the total (95% CI: 10.2-20.8%). Recent infection correlated with being younger and male (p = 0.019). Therefore, recent infection was more common among younger males and older females.