The extinction of Neanderthals and the emergence of the Upper Paleolithic in Portugal

Este trabalho foi apresentado no âmbito de Provas de Agregação na área de Arqueologia. Estas provas académicas, constituídas por 3 fases, são de carácter público. Para cada fase existe um arguente, sendo as fases, respectivamente, a discussão do currículo do candidato, a análise de um relatório de uma disciplina do ensino universitário e uma lição-síntese, seguida de discussão. Esta última prova consiste numa apresentação de uma hora de um tema à escolha e, como parte constituinte das Provas de Agregação, pode ser pensada de duas formas essencialmente opostas: uma de entre as várias lições do programa da disciplina apresentado no relatório acima mencionado, fazendo por isso a descrição de uma qualquer parte do conteúdo desse mesmo programa; ou, pelo contrário, respeitar o título da prova e fazer-se uma verdadeira lição síntese, de carácter inédito.

Overview and response to reviewers of The Singing Neanderthals

Why are humans musical? Why do people in all cultures sing or play instruments? Why do we appear to have specialized neurological apparatus for hearing and interpreting music as distinct from other sounds? And how does our musicality relate to language and to our evolutionary history? Anthropologists and archaeologists have paid little attention to the origin of music and musicality — far less than for either language or ‘art’. While art has been seen as an index of cognitive complexity and language as an essential tool of communication, music has suffered from our perception that it is an epiphenomenal ‘leisure activity’, and archaeologically inaccessible to boot. Nothing could be further from the truth, according to Steven Mithen; music is integral to human social life, he argues, and we can investigate its ancestry with the same rich range of analyses — neurological, physiological, ethnographic, linguistic, ethological and even archaeological — which have been deployed to study language. In The Singing Neanderthals Steven Mithen poses these questions and proposes a bold hypothesis to answer them. Mithen argues that musicality is a fundamental part of being human, that this capacity is of great antiquity, and that a holistic protolanguage of musical emotive expression predates language and was an essential precursor to it. This is an argument with implications which extend far beyond the mere origins of music itself into the very motives of human origins. Any argument of such range is bound to attract discussion and critique; we here present commentaries by archaeologists Clive Gamble and Iain Morley and linguists Alison Wray and Maggie Tallerman, along with Mithen's response to them. Whether right or wrong, Mithen has raised fascinating and important issues. And it adds a great deal of charm to the time-honoured, perhaps shopworn image of the Neanderthals shambling ineffectively through the pages of Pleistocene prehistory to imagine them humming, crooning or belting out a cappella harmonies as they went.

The Talking Neanderthals : What do Fossils, Genetics and Archeology Say?

Did Neanderthals have language? This issue has been debated back and forth for decades, without resolution. But in recent years new evidence has become available. New fossils and archeological finds cast light on relevant Neanderthal anatomy and behavior. New DNA evidence, both fossil and modern, provides clues both to the relationship between Neanderthals and Homo sapiens, and to the genetics of language. In this paper, I review and evaluate the available evidence. My conclusion is that the preponderance of the evidence supports the presence of some form of language in Neanderthals.

Faunal evidence for a difference in clothing use between Neanderthals and early modern humans in Europe

MC is grateful to Karen Lupo and Brian Codding for the invitation to participate in the symposium honouring Jim O’Connell at the 2015 annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology in San Francisco, and for the invitation to contribute to this special issue of the Journal of Anthropological Archaeology. We thank Conrad Brimacombe, Kate Britton, Keith Dobney, Mana Dembo, Marina Elliott, Ian Gilligan, Brian Hayden, Trenton Holliday, Vance Hutchinson, Steve Kuhn, Dana Lepofsky, Lee Lyman, Luseadra McKerracher, Kim Plomp, Bernard Wood, and an anonymous reviewer for their comments on earlier versions of this paper. Ian Gilligan’s comments in particular resulted in major changes to the interpretation of the results. MC is supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the Canada Research Chairs Program, the Canada Foundation for Innovation, the British Columbia Knowledge Development Fund, and Simon Fraser University. LT work on the study reported here was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (award no. 755-2011-0406). We are grateful to all these funding bodies. Last but not least, MC would like to express his gratitude to Jim O’Connell for his friendship and guidance over nearly 20 years. Thanks Jim. You’re the dog’s bollocks.

Chronology of the Grotte du Renne (France) and implications for the context of ornaments and human remains within the Châtelperronian

There is extensive debate concerning the cognitive and behavioral adaptation of Neanderthals, especially in the period when the earliest anatomically modern humans dispersed into Western Europe, around 35,000–40,000 B.P. The site of the Grotte du Renne (at Arcy-sur-Cure) is of great importance because it provides the most persuasive evidence for behavioral complexity among Neanderthals. A range of ornaments and tools usually associated with modern human industries, such as the Aurignacian, were excavated from three of the Châtelperronian levels at the site, along with Neanderthal fossil remains (mainly teeth). This extremely rare occurrence has been taken to suggest that Neanderthals were the creators of these items. Whether Neanderthals independently achieved this level of behavioral complexity and whether this was culturally transmitted or mimicked via incoming modern humans has been contentious. At the heart of this discussion lies an assumption regarding the integrity of the excavated remains. One means of testing this is by radiocarbon dating; however, until recently, our ability to generate both accurate and precise results for this period has been compromised. A series of 31 accelerator mass spectrometry ultra?ltered dates on bones, antlers, artifacts, and teeth from six key archaeological levels shows an unexpected degree of variation. This suggests that some mixing of material may have occurred, which implies a more complex depositional history at the site and makes it dif?cult to be con?dent about the association of artifacts with human remains in the Châtelperronian levels.

The timing and spatiotemporal patterning of Neanderthal disappearance

ThetimingofNeanderthal disappearanceandtheextent to whichthey overlapped with the earliest incoming anatomically modern humans (AMHs)inEurasia arekey questions inpalaeoanthropology1,2 .Deter- mining the spatiotemporal relationship between the two populations is crucial if we are to understand the processes, timing and reasons leading to the disappearance of Neanderthals and the likelihood of cultural and genetic exchange. Serious technical challenges, however, havehinderedreliable datingof the period,as theradiocarbonmethod reaches its limit at 50,000 years ago3 .Herewe apply improved accel- erator mass spectrometry 14C techniques to construct robust chro- nologies from 40 key Mousterian and Neanderthal archaeological sites, ranging fromRussia toSpain.Bayesianagemodellingwas used togenerate probability distributionfunctions todetermine the latest appearancedate.Weshowthat theMousterianendedby41,030–39,260 calibratedyears BP(at95.4%probability) acrossEurope.Wealsodem- onstrate that succeeding ‘transitional’ archaeological industries, one ofwhich has beenlinked withNeanderthals (Cha ˆtelperronian)4 ,end at a similar time. Our data indicate that the disappearance of Nean- derthals occurred at different times in different regions.Comparing the data with results obtained fromthe earliest datedAMHsites in Europe, associated with the Uluzzian technocomplex5 , allows us to quantify the temporal overlap between the two human groups. The results revealasignificantoverlap of 2,600–5,400years (at 95.4%prob- ability).This hasimportant implications formodels seeking toexplain the cultural, technological and biological elements involved in the replacement of Neanderthals byAMHs.Amosaic of populations in Europe during the Middle to Upper Palaeolithic transition suggests that there was ample time for the transmission of cultural and sym- bolic behaviours, as well as possible genetic exchanges, between the two groups.

Faunal exploitation at the middle paleolithic site Kabazi II(Western Crimea)

Kabazi II est un site de plein air, situé sur la deuxième rangée des Monts de Crimée. Après sa découverte en 1986, les investigations archéologiques effectuées entre 1987 et le milieu des années 90 ont établi que Kabazi II avait auparavant servi de lieu de chasse et d’abattage pour les groupes néanderthaliens de la région. Les études archéozoologiques antérieures (Patou-Mathis 2003, 1999, 2005, 2006a, 2006b) ont déterminé que les stratégies de subsistance des Néanderthaliens du Kabazi II étaient très spécialisées et principalement axées sur la chasse des petits groupes de Equus hydruntinus mais aussi, à l’occasion, sur la chasse d’autres espèces. Ces comportements ont persisté malgré les changements climatiques et technologiques à travers l’histoire d’occupation du site. Cette étude présente l’analyse des assemblages fauniques encore inédits des niveaux II/1,II/2-1, II/2, II/3, II/4, II/5, II/7, II/8, II/9, II/13, II/13A de Kabazi II. Nos résultats sont en accord avec ceux obtenus parles d’études antérieures ; cependant, des différences par rapport à la fonction du site ont été constatées et un lien possible avec Kabazi V, un abri sur roche tout près de Kabazi II, a été établi. On croit que la persistance des activités de subsistance des Néanderthaliens de Kabazi II pendant presque 100 000 ans de présence est due à la polyvalence des ânes asiatiques tels que Equus hydruntinus, au contexte géographique et géologique de la région ainsi qu’aux caractéristiques du site elles-mêmes.

Grotte du Bison : deux chasseurs pour un gibier : analyse archéozoologique de la couche I-J sur le site moustérien de la Grotte du Bison, Arcy-sur-Cure (Yonne, France)

Le site moustérien de la Grotte du Bison est situé au cœur des grottes préhistoriques longeant la rivière de la Cure à Arcy-sur-Cure (Yonne, France). La couche I-J de ce gisement représente une occupation néandertalienne datant de la fin du stade isotopique 4 (MIS 4) et du début du stade 3. Face à l’instabilité du climat durant cette période, les groupes de chasseurs-cueilleurs néandertaliens doivent faire des choix en matière d’acquisition des ressources alimentaires. Le mode de subsistance de ces groupes implique des choix stratégiques de comportements de chasse, de transport et de traitement des carcasses, ainsi que de mobilité de groupe. Quelles sont les stratégies d’exploitation de la faune employées par les Néandertaliens à Arcy-sur-Cure il y a un peu plus de 50 000 ans? Ce mémoire présente une analyse archéozoologique de l’assemblage faunique mis au jour durant la mission de fouilles 2014. Les résultats indiquent que les populations néandertaliennes ont occupé le site de façon saisonnière en alternance avec d’autres animaux carnivores comme l’ours des cavernes et la hyène des cavernes. Les hyènes et les Néandertaliens sont deux potentiels agents accumulateurs d’ossements dans la grotte. Un regard taphonomique sur l’assemblage faunique de la couche I-J suggère que les groupes néandertaliens ont chassé le renne et le cheval, alors que les meutes de hyènes ont accumulé des ossements de bovinés et de chevaux. Les groupes néandertaliens de la Grotte du Bison ont rapporté les carcasses entières de leurs proies sur le site. Ils en ont exploité la viande, la moelle, les peaux, ont fabriqué des outils en os et ont utilisé les plumes des rapaces, vraisemblablement à des fins symboliques.