Mundos dentro de um mundo: representações interculturais na Polónia sob a influência nazi

Europa, 1939 A Alemanha, sob a influência do partido Alemão Nazi, deu início a um confronto que mudou a face do mundo. Inicialmente os seus países vizinhos Europeus, depois alguns mais distantes e até o continente Africano sentiram o seu poder e tremeram de medo. Medo, um sentimento tão poderoso que em pequenas quantidades, pode aguçar os sentidos mas que, em quantidades grandes, pode gerar pânico, suprimir o intelecto e até levar a negar aquilo que temos presente como verdades absolutas. A Europa era uma mistura de culturas; até os próprios países eram uma mistura de culturas. A Polónia era um desses países. Neste país, Polacos, Judeus, Ucranianos e Romanis viviam numa paz frágil mas duradora. Quando a II Guerra Mundial começou, as cidades polacas foram conquistadas uma após a outra e, uns após os outros, os seus cidadãos foram confinados à sua cidade para manter a ordem pública. Nesta época de incerteza e insegurança poderíamos pensar que todas estas culturas, diferentes nas suas fundações mas todas elas constituídas por seres humanos que respondem da mesma forma em situações desta natureza, sentir-se- iam na necessidade de se juntar, deixar de parte as suas diferenças e tentariam fazer tudo o que estivesse ao seu alcance para assegurar aquilo que é a necessidade básica de qualquer ser humano: sobreviver. A sobrevivência é o instinto mais básico atribuído ao ser humano. O medo de não ser capaz de sobreviver gerou algo que vai contra este tipo de certezas. Gerou ódio. Não ódio contra o inimigo comum mas sim uma cultura contra a outra. O exército Alemão Nazi foi implacável na sua marcha em busca do domínio total mas, em alguns casos, não foi ele apenas a face do terror. O exército Alemão Nazi conquistava e seguia em frente, a caminho da próxima conquista, deixando governos de fachada para manter a ordem. O medo e o terror eram gerados por outrém. Um verdadeiro choque de culturas cujo resultado foi um dos maiores derramamentos de sangue na história do mundo civilizado.

A festa nazi em Le Roi des Aulnes. De Michel Tournier: eu-foria e dis-foria

Sugerido para estes encontros interdisciplinares, o tema da Festa reenvia-nos para sentimentos de alegria e plenitude, para algo que traz ao quofidiano a abolição do tempo, uma centelha de renovação e etemidade, que podemos denominar de euforia. De acordo com a etimologia, a palavra foria deriva do grego (popeív e significa trazer, levar, carregar, ao passo que o prefixo eu, (et)) da mesma origem, quer dizer bem. Se juntarmos à mesma palavra, foria, o prefixo Ôya, também de origem grega, obteremos, o confrário de euforia, isto é, disforia que significa carregar mal-estar, dificuldade, desgraça. O romance de Michel Tournier, Le Roi des aulnes,^ que, segundo o autor, esteve para ser intitulado La phorie,^ organiza-se em tomo de núcleos temáticos relacionados com o sentido da palavra ^r/úf. No romance, a euforia é definida pela personagem principal como uma festa, «porter avec bonheur», mas a leitura mostra que euforia (eu-foria) e disforia (dis-foria) são dois estados reversíveis, podendo existir em simultâneo, e que a face de um pode ocultar a do outro.

Les veus de l'Altra : Escriptores catalanes i holocaust nazi

Anàlisi de l'aportació de les escriptores catalanes al gènere concentracionari en base a una pregunta de recerca global: quins efectes específics té el punt de vista de les autores catalanes en aquest gènere literari?

Persecution perpetuated: The medieval origins of anti-semitic violence in Nazi Germany

How persistent are cultural traits? This paper uses data on anti-Semitism in Germany and finds continuity at the local level over more than half a millennium. When the Black Death hit Europe in 1348-50, killing between one third and one half of the population, its cause was unknown. Many contemporaries blamed the Jews. Cities all over Germany witnessed mass killings of their Jewish population. At the same time, numerous Jewish communities were spared these horrors. We use plague pogroms as an indicator for medieval anti-Semitism. Pogroms during the Black Death are a strong and robust predictor of violence against Jews in the 1920s, and of votes for the Nazi Party. In addition, cities that saw medieval anti-Semitic violence also had higher deportation rates for Jews after 1933, were more likely to see synagogues damaged or destroyed in the Night of Broken Glass in 1938, and their inhabitants wrote more anti-Jewish letters to the editor of the Nazi newspaper Der Stürmer.

Bowling for fascism: Social capital and the rise of the Nazi Party in Weimar Germany, 1919-33

Social capital a dense network of associations facilitating cooperation within a community typically leads to positive political and economic outcomes, as demonstrated by a large literature following Putnam. A growing literature emphasizes the potentially "dark side" of social capital. This paper examines the role of social capital in the downfall of democracy in interwar Germany by analyzing Nazi party entry rates in a cross-section of towns and cities. Before the Nazi Party's triumphs at the ballot box, it built an extensive organizational structure, becoming a mass movement with nearly a million members by early 1933. We show that dense networks of civic associations such as bowling clubs, animal breeder associations, or choirs facilitated the rise of the Nazi Party. The effects are large: Towns with one standard deviation higher association density saw at least one-third faster growth in the strength of the Nazi Party. IV results based on 19th century measures of social capital reinforce our conclusions. In addition, all types of associations veteran associations and non-military clubs, "bridging" and "bonding" associations positively predict NS party entry. These results suggest that social capital in Weimar Germany aided the rise of the Nazi movement that ultimately destroyed Germany's first democracy.

Betting on Hitler: The value of political connections in Nazi Germany

This paper examines the value of connections between German industry andthe Nazi movement in early 1933. Drawing on previously unused contemporarysources about management and supervisory board composition and stock returns,we find that one out of seven firms, and a large proportion of the biggest companies,had substantive links with the National Socialist German Workers Party. Firmssupporting the Nazi movement experienced unusually high returns, outperformingunconnected ones by 5% to 8% between January and March 1933. These resultsare not driven by sectoral composition and are robust to alternative estimatorsand definitions of affiliation.

Against the mainstream: Nazi privatization in 1930s Germany

The Great Depression spurred State ownership in Western capitalist countries. Germany was no exception; the last governments of the Weimar Republic took over firms in diverse sectors. Later, the Nazi regime transferred public ownership and public services to the private sector. In doing so, they went against the mainstream trends in the Western capitalist countries, none of which systematically reprivatized firms during the 1930s. Privatization in Nazi Germany was also unique in transferring to private hands the delivery f public services previously provided by government. The firms and the services transferred to private ownership belonged to diverse sectors. Privatization was part of an intentional policy with multiple objectives and was not ideologically driven. As in many recent privatizations, particularly within the European Union, strong financial restrictions were a central motivation. In addition, privatization was used as a political tool to enhance support for the government and for the Nazi Party.

Against the mainstream: Nazi privatization in 1930s Germany

The Great Depression spurred State ownership in Western capitalist countries. Germany was no exception; the last governments of the Weimar Republic took over firms in diverse sectors. Later, the Nazi regime transferred public ownership and public services to the private sector. In doing so, they went against the mainstream trends in the Western capitalist countries, none of which systematically reprivatized firms during the 1930s. Privatization in Nazi Germany was also unique in transferring to private hands the delivery f public services previously provided by government. The firms and the services transferred to private ownership belonged to diverse sectors. Privatization was part of an intentional policy with multiple objectives and was not ideologically driven. As in many recent privatizations, particularly within the European Union, strong financial restrictions were a central motivation. In addition, privatization was used as a political tool to enhance support for the government and for the Nazi Party.

Història i Comunitat Popular a l’Alemanya Nazi

El projecte pretén esdevenir l’anàlisi sobre quin fou el rol que assumí la història –a nivell institucional, educatiu i popular– en la configuració del Tercer Reich, apuntant doncs principalment a descobrir quina funció va tenir aquesta en la construcció de la nació alemanya durant els anys trenta. La hipòtesi que servirà de punt de partida de la investigació serà concebre que la història es convertí en una eïna que únicament es debia a l’estat per així poder reforçar la construcció del règim nacionalsocialista alemany. L’estudi es dedicarà per tant a haver de demostrar tal afirmació.

El expolio nazi: un expolio con "recambio"

Màster Oficial en Estudis Avançats en Història de l'Art. Curs: 2008-2009 Directora: Immaculada Socias Batet