984 resultados para Natural context


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Hairpin Ribozyme kommen natürlich in den Minussträngen der Satelliten RNAs dreier Pflanzenviren (sTRsV, sArMV and sCYMoV) vor. In dieser Arbeit wurden mit dem Programm Mfold darin mehrere distinkte Sekundärstrukturelemente gefunden, die außerhalb des katalytischen Zentrums der Ribozyme lokalisieren. Verschiedene Varianten der drei Ribozyme wurden hergestellt und die Funktion der beobachteten peripheren Strukturelemente biochemisch untersucht. Die sTRsV Hairpin Ribozyme mit unterschiedlichen Längen in Arm C wiesen ähnliche cis-Spaltungsreaktionen auf, unabhängig von der Anzahl interner bulges in Arm C. Das gleiche Verhalten, jedoch bei schnelleren Spaltungsraten, wurde nach Entfernen der three-way junction, die 3’ von der Spaltstelle in Arm A liegt, beobachtet. Hier hat Arm C demnach keinen Einfluss auf die Katalyse, wogegen ein verlängerter Arm A die Reaktion verlangsamt. Unter den experimentellen Bedingungen war die Rückreaktion in Anwesenheit des natürlichen Arms A nicht messbar. Im Gegensatz dazu zeigten alle Varianten ohne die Arm A Erweiterung Ligationsaktivität, die am höchsten in dem Molekül mit dem längsten Arm C war, und gleichermaßen erniedrigt für zwei Varianten mit kürzerem Arm C. Keine der Reaktionen diverser sArMV Hairpin Ribozyme konnte reproduzierbar analysiert werden. Für das sCYMoV Hairpin Ribozym wurde schließlich in cis-Spaltungsreaktionen eine Zunahme der Geschwindigkeit mit Abnahme der Länge von Arm D beobachtet. Dies war der Fall in Anwesenheit der three-way junction in Arm A, nicht jedoch in ihrer Abwesenheit, wo Varianten mit unterschiedlichen Längen des Arms D ähnliche Spaltungsreaktionen aufwiesen. In Anwesenheit der three-way junction in Arm A war eine Reduzierung der Ligationsgeschwindigkeit zu beobachten, und bei ihrer Abwesenheit stieg diese mit der Länge von Arm D. Dies zeigt, dass sowohl die three-way junction in Arm A, als auch die Länge und Anzahl der bulges in Arm D die Reaktion des Hairpin Ribozyms aus sCYMoV beeinflussen, wobei sich Unterschiede in Vorwärts- und Rückreaktion auf die experimentellen Bedingungen zurückführen lassen. In zwei Serien wurde die zentrale five-way junction dieses Ribozyms durch verschiedene four-way junctions ersetzt. Die kinetischen Parameter der Selbstspaltung waren ähnlich für Varianten ohne Arm E auf, jedoch verlangsamt bei Varianten ohne Arm C. Dies zeigt, dass das sCYMoV Hairpin Ribozym auch um eine four-way junction gebildet werden kann, deren konstituierenden Helices jedoch nicht beliebig sind. In einem zweiten Projekt wurde die Konservierung von Hammerhead Ribozym-motiven, die bereits früher im Genom der Brassicacee A. thaliana gefunden worden waren, exemplarisch an zehn Mitgliedern dieser Familie untersucht. Da deren Genome nicht sequenziert sind, wurde PCR mit Primern angewandt, die für die A. thaliana Motive spezifisch waren. Damit konnten Ribozymmotive in allen untersuchten Brassicaceen außer B. nigra and B. oleracea gefunden werden. Diese gehören zu den sechs Brassica Pflanzen, für die der koreanische Botaniker U 1935 im “triangle of U” die genetische Verwandtschaft beschrieb. Darin ist B. carinata, für die Ribozymmotive gezeigt wurden, die Tochterspezies der Brassica Pflanzen ohne diese Motive. Dieser Widerspruch könnte darauf zurückzuführen sein, dass in der PCR unspezifische Primer genutzt wurden, oder aber die Motive aus B. carinata könnten ein Artefakt aus einer Luft-übertragenen Kontamination sein. Technische Schwierigkeiten in der Durchführung von Southern Blots, mit denen zwischen diesen Möglichkeiten unterschieden werden sollte, haben eine abschließende Antwort verhindert. Nach einer Optimierung der Methode sollte diese aber geeignet sein, diese Frage zu klären.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Dissertação apresentada para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Educação Matemática na Educação Pré-Escolar e no 1.º e 2.º Ciclos do Ensino Básico

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Objetivo: Partindo da análise da literatura realizada, em que é salientada a ideia de que o desenvolvimento e aprendizagem ocorrem a partir das experiências e influência dos contextos em que as crianças estão incluídas e a partir das interações que estabelecem nesses mesmos contextos, pretende-se compreender, neste estudo, se partindo do contexto natural, com diferentes materiais e atores, é possível aumentar as oportunidades de comunicação e participação de uma criança com restrições ao nível da linguagem, nos momentos de jogo. Método: Foi delineado e implementado um programa de intervenção, num estabelecimento de ensino, na valência de pré-escolar, onde estiveram envolvidas uma criança de 4 anos com restrições ao nível da linguagem oral, o grupo de crianças em que estava incluída e a educadora do grupo. Para monitorização do programa e avaliação da sua eficácia realizou-se um pré e pós teste, onde foi definida a linha de base da criança. Ao longo do programa foram registados, a partir de uma grelha de observação da frequência dos atos comunicativos da criança, nas situações de jogo planificadas. Os comportamentos e modelagem realizada por parte educador, foram igualmente registados e analisados. Recorreu-se a realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas para a recolha de dados relativos à criança e perceção do educador. Resultados/Discussão: Os dados recolhidos demonstram um aumento significativo das tomadas de iniciativa verbal e alternância entre turnos, ao longo da intervenção por parte da criança alvo. A presença do adulto e dos pares parecem revelar-se como facilitador dos atos comunicativos da criança com restrições ao nível da linguagem

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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L’objectif principal de la présente thèse était de déterminer les facteurs susceptibles d’influencer l’efficacité des processus de contrôle en ligne des mouvements d’atteinte manuelle. De nos jours, les mouvements d’atteinte manuelle réalisés dans un environnement virtuel (déplacer une souris d’ordinateur pour contrôler un curseur à l’écran, par exemple) sont devenus chose commune. Par comparaison aux mouvements réalisés en contexte naturel (appuyer sur le bouton de mise en marche de l’ordinateur), ceux réalisés en contexte virtuel imposent au système nerveux central des contraintes importantes parce que l’information visuelle et proprioceptive définissant la position de l’effecteur n’est pas parfaitement congruente. Par conséquent, la présente thèse s’articule autour des effets d’un contexte virtuel sur le contrôle des mouvements d’atteinte manuelle. Dans notre premier article, nous avons tenté de déterminer si des facteurs tels que (a) la quantité de pratique, (b) l’orientation du montage virtuel (aligné vs. non-aligné) ou encore (c) l’alternance d’un essai réalisé avec et sans la vision de l’effecteur pouvaient augmenter l’efficacité des processus de contrôle en ligne de mouvement réalisés en contexte virtuel. Ces facteurs n’ont pas influencé l’efficacité des processus de contrôle de mouvements réalisés en contexte virtuel, suggérant qu’il est difficile d’optimiser le contrôle des mouvements d’atteinte manuelle lorsque ceux-ci sont réalisés dans un contexte virtuel. L’un des résultats les plus surprenants de cette étude est que nous n’avons pas rapporté d’effet concernant l’orientation de l’écran sur la performance des participants, ce qui était en contradiction avec la littérature existante sur ce sujet. L’article 2 avait pour but de pousser plus en avant notre compréhension du contrôle du mouvement réalisé en contexte virtuel et naturel. Dans le deuxième article, nous avons mis en évidence les effets néfastes d’un contexte virtuel sur le contrôle en ligne des mouvements d’atteinte manuelle. Plus précisément, nous avons observé que l’utilisation d’un montage non-aligné (écran vertical/mouvement sur un plan horizontal) pour présenter l’information visuelle résultait en une importante diminution de la performance comparativement à un montage virtuel aligné et un montage naturel. Nous avons aussi observé une diminution de la performance lorsque les mouvements étaient réalisés dans un contexte virtuel aligné comparativement à un contexte naturel. La diminution de la performance notée dans les deux conditions virtuelles s’expliquait largement par une réduction de l’efficacité des processus de contrôle en ligne. Nous avons donc suggéré que l’utilisation d’une représentation virtuelle de la main introduisait de l’incertitude relative à sa position dans l’espace. Dans l’article 3, nous avons donc voulu déterminer l’origine de cette incertitude. Dans ce troisième article, deux hypothèses étaient à l’étude. La première suggérait que l’augmentation de l’incertitude rapportée dans le contexte virtuel de la précédente étude était due à une perte d’information visuelle relative à la configuration du bras. La seconde suggérait plutôt que l’incertitude provenait de l’information visuelle et proprioceptive qui n’est pas parfaitement congruente dans un contexte virtuel comparativement à un contexte naturel (le curseur n’est pas directement aligné avec le bout du doigt, par exemple). Les données n’ont pas supporté notre première hypothèse. Plutôt, il semble que l’incertitude soit causée par la dissociation de l’information visuelle et proprioceptive. Nous avons aussi démontré que l’information relative à la position de la main disponible sur la base de départ influence largement les processus de contrôle en ligne, même lorsque la vision de l’effecteur est disponible durant le mouvement. Ce résultat suggère que des boucles de feedback interne utilisent cette information afin de moduler le mouvement en cours d’exécution.

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Alors que la prévalence de l’obésité est un problème d’ampleur mondiale, les avenues permettant de mieux utiliser l’exercice (Ex) s’avèrent d’un grand intérêt. L’Ex peut réduire l'appétit et l'apport énergétique, soit l’effet anorexigène de l'Ex. Des études récentes de notre laboratoire ont montré l’importance du moment de la pratique d’Ex, pour diminuer l’apport énergétique. Cependant, aucune ne certifie que le positionnement dans le temps de l'Ex maximise la réduction de masse corporelle en contexte naturel. Le devis croisé de l’étude visait donc à déterminer s’il existe un positionnement idéal de l’Ex, afin de potentialiser la perte de poids corporel et d'adiposité, en comparant l'effet de deux programmes sur l’anthropométrie d’adultes en surpoids. Huit adultes montréalais volontaires (18-45 ans) en surpoids ou obèses ont complété l’étude. Aléatoirement, ils ont effectué deux programmes d'Ex (2 x 15 min. d’Ex par intervalles quotidiennement) de quatre semaines : 1) Ex avant les repas (ExMeal) vs 2) Ex à tout moment, sauf dans l'heure précédent les repas (MealEx). Les consultations hebdomadaires à l'Université de Montréal comprenaient : les mesures anthropométriques, les questionnaires standardisés sur la pratique d’activités physiques et l’alimentation, ainsi que le suivi des entrainements faits en milieu naturel. Les analyses Mann- Whitney U ont révélé des résultats similaires concernant le profil anthropométrique, la pratique d’Ex à l’intérieur et hors du programme et l’ingestion calorique (contenu calorique et % de l’énergie des glucides, protéines et lipides), entre les programmes ExMeal et MealEx (p > 0.05). Cependant, le programme ExMeal a été associé à une ingestion calorique sous forme de protéines de 2,8% plus importante (p= 0.05). D’autres analyses exploratoires, ont fait ressortir que c’est surtout la séquence mensuelle des évènements qui était liée à une réduction du pourcentage de gras et à une assiduité plus importante aux Ex structurés lors du premier mois. Par ailleurs, même si plusieurs études ont vérifié et confirmé l’effet anorexigène de l’Ex aigu dans certaines conditions, il semble que l’effet à plus long terme sur le profil anthropométrique ne soit pas démontré avec cette étude pilote. Enfin, des facteurs comme le statut d’adiposité, la structure du programme, la durée des séances d’Ex et la pratique en milieu naturel peuvent avoir rendu plus difficile l’amélioration du profil anthropométrique. Mots-clés : Exercice, positionnement, ingestion calorique, perte de poids, adultes, obésité.

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This paper examines the price impact of trading due to expected changes in the FTSE 100 index composition. We focus on the latter index because it employs publicly-known objective criteria to determine membership and hence it provides a natural context to investigate anticipatory trading e ects. We propose a panel-regression event study that backs out these anticipatory e ects by looking at the price impact of the ex-ante proba-bility of changing index membership status. Our ndings reveal that anticipative trading explains about 40% and 23% of the cumulative abnormal returns of additions and deletions, respectively. We con rm these in-sample results out of sample by tracking the performance of a trading strategy that relies on the addition/deletion probability estimates. The perfor-mance is indeed very promising in that it entails an average daily excess return of 11 basis points over the FTSE 100 index.

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O fenômeno "Born global" refere-se a empresas que consideram o mercado global como seu contexto natural e que iniciam seu processo de internacionalização muito cedo após sua criação. As teorias tradicionais como o modelo de Uppsala não conseguem explicar este processo. Portanto, outras teorias têm surgido, como a perspectiva de redes. Existem alguns estudos relacionados a esta área, principalmente realizados em países desenvolvidos com pequenos mercados e economias abertas. No entanto, poucos estudos têm sido feitos em economias em desenvolvimento. Além disso, o número de pesquisas quanto à escolha do modo de entrada e seleção de mercados das empresas “born global” é bastante limitado. Consequentemente, este estudo pretende descrever os principais fatores que influenciam a escolha do modo de entrada e seleção de mercados das empresas, de economias em desenvolvimento, nascidas globais. O foco da pesquisa é a indústria de software e um estudo de casos múltiplo foi realizado com três empresas no Equador. A metodologia incluiu entrevistas com fundadores, bem como a coleta de dados secundários. Com base na evidência empírica, verificou-se que os principais fatores que influenciam a escolha do modo de entrada são as restrições financeiras, as receitas esperadas, a velocidade de internacionalização, mercados nicho e a experiência empresarial anterior dos fundadores. Por outro lado, a seleção de mercado é influenciada por semelhanças de língua e cultura, mercados nicho e relações em rede.

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Pós-graduação em Estudos Linguísticos - IBILCE

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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This research aimed at studying the social role of reading, its importance in building knowledge and training of readers, as well as reflect on the teaching of reading in schools, with children in the literacy process. For their achievement, were used as theoretical support authors who are dedicated to the study of language, thematic reading, and phenomena that occur through it in the school environment, especially those of Bakhtin, Kleiman, Chartier, Foucambert, among others . The research was carried out using the approach of qualitative research, using participatory action research, through which the researcher could have direct contact with the observed phenomena, to participate and collect the participants' actions in its natural context, the from their perspective and their views. As for collecting and analyzing data, we used the tools of questionnaire, interview and participant observation. Its subjects a literacy class and their respective teacher, in 2009. By analyzing this information, one can draw a picture of reading in the school environment and teaching practices that surround this object. The results of the literature survey and data analysis suggest that reading is a social practice, and as such has indispensable social function in society today. And the school, one of the greatest instruments of contact with the world of letters, therefore, of reading for children means not literate, have key role in developing and training of readers who are aware of the importance of reading and perpetuate this practice in their daily lives. Similarly, subjects of research, have achieved an advanced level of literacy and understand the social role of reading and its importance to live in society, in which they belong