981 resultados para National Character
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Consensual stereotypes of some groups are relatively accurate, whereas others are not. Previous work suggesting that national character stereotypes are inaccurate has been criticized on several grounds. In this article we (a) provide arguments for the validity of assessed national mean trait levels as criteria for evaluating stereotype accuracy and (b) report new data on national character in 26 cultures from descriptions (N= 3323) of the typical male or female adolescent, adult, or old person in each. The average ratings were internally consistent and converged with independent stereotypes of the typical culture member, but were weakly related to objective assessments of personality. We argue that this conclusion is consistent with the broader literature on the inaccuracy of national character stereotypes
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Afterwards reissued under title: Eminent sons and daughters of Columbia.
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In their 2010 study drawing on 500 empirical philanthropy studies, Bekkers and Wiepking identified eight consistently significant giving mechanisms. The pilot study reported here extends what is known about one mechanism, values, as a giving driver, in particular considering how national cultural values apply to giving. Personal values are not formed in a vacuum. They are influenced by the wider culture and society: thus values have a socio-cultural dimension. Accordingly, this pilot research draws on media theory and cultural studies work on national ethos to explore how these national cultural values interact with giving. A directed qualitative content analysis has been undertaken to compare US and Australian print media coverage about philanthropy. The two nations share an Anglo–Saxon orientation but differ significantly in national character and philanthropic activity. This study posits that a nation's media coverage about giving will reflect its national cultural ethos. This coverage can also shape personal values, thus implications exist for theory about the antecedents of personal giving values. Wider national values may drive or stifle giving, so this wider view of values as a driver has implications also for philanthropy promotion and fundraising.
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College students (N = 3,435) in 26 cultures reported their perceptions of age-related changes in physical, cognitive, and socioemotional areas of functioning and rated societal views of aging within their culture. There was widespread cross-cultural consensus regarding the expected direction of aging trajectories with (1) perceived declines in societal views of aging, physical attractiveness, the ability to perform everyday tasks, and new learning, (2) perceived increases in wisdom, knowledge, and received respect, and (3) perceived stability in family authority and life satisfaction. Cross-cultural variations in aging perceptions were associated with culture-level indicators of population aging, education levels, values, and national character stereotypes. These associations were stronger for societal views on aging and perceptions of socioemotional changes than for perceptions of physical and cognitive changes. A consideration of culture-level variables also suggested that previously reported differences in aging perceptions between Asian and Western countries may be related to differences in population structure.
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We examined properties of culture-level personality traits in ratings of targets (N=5,109) ages 12 to 17 in 24 cultures. Aggregate scores were generalizable across gender, age, and relationship groups and showed convergence with culture-level scores from previous studies of self-reports and observer ratings of adults, but they were unrelated to national character stereotypes. Trait profiles also showed cross-study agreement within most cultures, 8 of which had not previously been studied. Multidimensional scaling showed that Western and non-Western cultures clustered along a dimension related to Extraversion. A culture-level factor analysis replicated earlier findings of a broad Extraversion factor but generally resembled the factor structure found in individuals. Continued analysis of aggregate personality scores is warranted.
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The study is an examination of how the distant national past has been conceived and constructed for Finland from the mid-sixteenth century to the Second World War. The author argues that the perception and need of a national 'Golden Age' has undergone several phases during this period, yet the perceived Greatness of the Ancient Finns has been of great importance for the growth and development of the fundamental concepts of Finnish nationalism. It is a question reaching deeper than simply discussing the Kalevala or the Karelianism of the 1890s. Despite early occurrences of most of the topics the image-makers could utilize for the construction of an Ancient Greatness, a truly national proto-history only became a necessity after 1809, when a new conceptual 'Finnishness' was both conceived and brought forth in reality. In this process of nation-building, ethnic myths of origin and descent provided the core of the nationalist cause - the defence of a primordial national character - and within a few decades the antiquarian issue became a standard element of the nationalist public enlightenment. The emerging, archaeologically substantiated, nationhood was more than a scholarly construction: it was a 'politically correct' form of ethnic self-imaging, continuously adapting its message to contemporary society and modern progress. Prehistoric and medieval Finnishness became even more relevant for the intellectual defence of the nation during the period of Russian administrative pressure 1890-1905. With independence the origins of Finnishness were militarized even further, although the 'hot' phase of antiquarian nationalism ended, as many considered the Finnish state reestablished after centuries of 'dependency'. Nevertheless, the distant past of tribal Finnishness and the conceived Golden Age of the Kalevala remained obligating. The decline of public archaeology is quite evident after 1918, even though the national message of the antiquarian pursuits remained present in the history culture of the public. The myths, symbols, images, and constructs of ancient Finnishness had already become embedded in society by the turn of the century, like the patalakki cap, which remains a symbol of Finnishness to this day. The method of approach is one of combining a broad spectrum of previously neglected primary sources, all related to history culture and the subtle banalization of the distant past: school books, postcards, illustrations, festive costumes, drama, satirical magazines, novels, jewellery, and calendars. Tracing the origins of the national myths to their original contexts enables a rather thorough deconstruction of the proto-historical imaginary in this Finnish case study. Considering Anthony D. Smith's idea of ancient 'ethnies' being the basis for nationalist causes, the author considers such an approach in the Finnish case totally misplaced.
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Esta tese visa a analisar três perspectivas nacionalistas oferecidas pela obra crítica de Machado de Assis. Buscamos, inicialmente, a feição intelectual do jovem Machado no interior do projeto romântico-nacionalista, com o qual estava alinhado e do qual se afastaria paulatinamente. Para tanto, foi cotejado, inicialmente, com dois militantes daquele nacionalismo defensivo: Santiago Nunes Ribeiro e Joaquim Norberto de Sousa Silva. Esse lugar de onde falava Machado ganha em definição num segundo momento, quando empreendemos a análise comparativa de seus textos com os de Macedo Soares e José de Alencar. Sobretudo entre 1859 e 1872, Machado de Assis construiria sua crítica teatral, tornando-se um paladino da comédia realista francesa. A primeira face nacionalista de sua crítica afirma-se nesse profundo envolvimento de Machado com o projeto de um teatro brasileiro pautado no potencial pedagógico da alta comédia. A segunda perspectiva nacionalista define-se à medida que se define o classicismo moderno de Machado, uma articulação muito pessoal de sua visão universalista com a já instaurada modernidade literária. Para a análise desse viés, usamos o corpus de sua crítica literária construída como gênero autônomo, oferecida convencionalmente ao público, por via da qual escritores e leitores se habilitariam a intervir na sociedade, cumprindo, patrioticamente, a missão para a qual a literatura os preparara. A partir de 1883, depois de quase cinco anos afastado da crônica, Machado a retoma, usando-a para exercitar, mais franca e assiduamente, uma particular teoria da cultura brasileira e, paralelamente, uma espécie de busca de nosso caráter nacional. Dessa forma, seu nacionalismo, numa terceira angulação, orienta-se para a experiência humana, que, entre incorporar o fundamento externo e resistir a ele, acaba por formar algo irremediavelmente brasileiro; essa crônica, portanto, carrega uma crítica de feição cultural, no sentido de Machado ter-se comprometido com significações e valores de nossa vida social. Ao examiná-lo como escritor que, inicialmente, se postou contra o colonialismo cultural; que, a seguir, se engajou num projeto civilizatório conduzido pelo teatro e pela literatura e que, por fim, investigou a sensibilidade coletiva brasileira a partir de suas representações culturais, esta tese faculta uma apreensão mais criteriosa das interseções entre os temas nacionalismo e Machado de Assis
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Pío Collivadino was a highly recognized painter in life, occupying the most important charges in the artistic field and receiving awards in his country and abroad, which turned him into an inescapable reference of young Argentinean artists who earned recognition throughout the twentieth century. Why, then, with the time, his work began to fall to the wayside? In response to this question, the present article, based on the analysis of the work of that artist, proposes to problematize the notion of subjectivity, both in its individual dimension and its national character, underlining the role that the figure of the artist meets for its formation. Developing the concepts of light-color and body-mass, from Collivadino painting, this article will attempt to explain the relation between the emergence of an Argentinean subjectivity, at the beginning of 20th century, and the art, not only at the level of the issues addressed, but, especially, taking into consideration its formal characteristics.
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College students (N = 3,435) in 26 cultures reported their perceptions of age-related changes in physical, cognitive, and socioemotional areas of functioning and rated societal views of aging within their culture. There was widespread cross-cultural consensus regarding the expected direction of aging trajectories with (a) perceived declines in societal views of aging, physical attractiveness, the ability to perform everyday tasks, and new learning; (b) perceived increases in wisdom, knowledge, and received respect; and (c) perceived stability in family authority and life satisfaction. Cross-cultural variations in aging perceptions were associated with culture-level indicators of population aging, education levels, values, and national character stereotypes. These associations were stronger for societal views on aging and perceptions of socioemotional changes than for perceptions of physical and cognitive changes. A consideration of culture-level variables also suggested that previously reported differences in aging perceptions between Asian and Western countries may be related to differences in population structure.
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The garment we now recognise as the Aran jumper emerged as an international symbol of Ireland from the twin twentieth century transatlantic flows of migration and tourism. Its power as a heritage object derives from: 1) the myth commonly associated with the object, in which the corpse of a drowned fisherman is identified and claimed by his family due to the stitch patterns of his jumper (Pádraig Ó Síochain 1962; Annette Lynch and Mitchell Strauss 2014); 2) the meanings attached to those stitch patterns, which have been read, for example, as genealogical records, representations of the natural landscape and references to Christian and pre-Christian ‘Celtic’ religion (Heinz Kiewe 1967; Catherine Nash 1996); and 3) booming popular interest in textile heritage on both sides of the Atlantic, fed by the reframing of domestic crafts such as knitting as privileged leisure pursuits (Rachel Maines 2009; Jo Turney 2009). The myth of the drowned fisherman plays into transatlantic migration narratives of loss and reclamation, promising a shared heritage that needs only to be decoded. The idea of the garment’s surface acting as text (or map) situates it within a preliterate idyll of romantic primitivism, while obscuring the circumstances of its manufacture. The contemporary resurgence in home textile production as recreation, mediated through transnational online networks, creates new markets for heritage textile products while attracting critical attention to the processes through which such objects, and mythologies, are produced. The Aran jumper’s associations with kinship, domesticity and national character make it a powerful tool in the promotion of ancestral (or genealogical) tourism, through marketing efforts such as The Gathering 2013. Nash’s (2010; 2014) work demonstrates the potential for such touristic encounters to disrupt and enrich public conceptions of heritage, belonging and relatedness. While the Aran jumper has been used to commodify a simplistic sense of mutuality between Ireland and north America, it carries complex transatlantic messages in both directions.