960 resultados para Narrative, Unconscious politics, 1930 Revolution


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This work is an attempt to show that the ideological conflict that has been developed by the hegemony of the 1930 Revolution historical events in Paraíba, conceptually turned into an insoluble social contradiction. It ocurred due to imaginary or formal resolutions of the literature that ended up by altering the epistemological rules of the relation between fiction and reality. The present work is based on The unconscious politics: a narrative as a socially symbolic act , book in which all the literary or cultural texts can and should be read as symbolic resolutions to insoluble social contradictions. From string to contemporary literature this phenomenon has been registered by the several ways of textual production turning the 1930 Revolution into one of the main elements which guides the political scene of Paraíba. The ideological groups still centered on the political resentment and committed to a political conflict forged the existence of two historical truths: one which suits the liberais , the winners, and another is of the 1930 conflict. This work argues in favour of the unconscious politics of the 1930 Revolution. This thesis considers necessarily the relation that the Paraibana society maintains with its past and how this past reaches in the present the liberation of a hidden and repressed truth through its narrativization. Beyond that, how the ideological partiality generated the political resentment through the way of thinking of the rivals under the perspective of the good and evil reveals its insoluble social contradiction. Process which comprehends varied narrative forms of the mass culture products and literary production, as in the methodological perspective pointed by Fredric Jameson that all literary or cultural texts can and shall be read as symbolic resolutions of true political and social contradictions. In the case of Paraiba we will have resolutions that search for the reasons which caused the death of João Pessoa: forgery and publicity of love letters, dispute over the official version of suicide commited by João Dantas, the man who assassinated João Pessoa

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This investigation is a practice-based inquiry. It takes place in the context of writing and editing a novel manuscript: The earth does not get fat (Prendergast 2012). The unpublished novel manuscript is a fractured narrative, a tale told in multiple first-person voices. One of the problems the writer encountered, as the novel developed, was a problem from the perspective of logic and continuity: the stories did not fit together in a linear way. As a result, the writer felt estranged from the writing and, at the same time, strangely familiar with it. Despite having produced the narrative, the writer felt that it was ‘other’. This paper summarises the writer's methodology; it explains the writer's attachment to this fractured style of telling. This fractured style is assessed within the context of the mind's ability to produce its effects without full consciousness. The analysis of authorial intention therefore focuses upon the influence of altered states of consciousness upon narrative material. In particular, the writer uses Andreas Mavromatis’ (1987) work on hypnagogia: described as ‘the unique state of consciousness between wakefulness and sleep’ to describe the experience of the operation of the unconscious in authorial intention.

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Bibliography: p. 154-155.

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Since its emergence as a discipline in the 1960s, women’s history has had a profound effect on the study of the past. Scholarship on women’s experiences of and contributions to the Russian revolutionary movement has increased exponentially since the publication of a number of biographies of Aleksandra Kollontai in the 1970s and 1980s and a comprehensive picture has emerged of women’s involvement in all the major revolutionary parties, as leading figures as well as rank and file activists. Despite this wealth of historical discovery, remarkably little has found its way into so-called ‘general’ histories of the revolution. An integrated history, which is the ultimate aim of women’s history, has yet to be produced for the Russian revolutionary movement, even though recent prosopographical studies of revolutionary women have made clear the numerous ways in which men and women cooperated and interacted on a daily basis in the underground. This article explores the nature of and reasons for this failure, makes a case for why incorporating women’s experiences into the grand narrative of the Russian revolution is important and discusses how this might be achieved.

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Public discourses on citizenship, identity and nationality, which link geographical borders and the political boundaries of a community, are infused with tensions and contradictions. This paper illustrates how these tensions are interwoven with multilayered notions of home, belonging, migration, citizenship and individual’s ‘longing just to be’, focusing on the Dutch and the British context. The narratives of a number of Dutch and British women, who either immigrated to the respective countries or were born to immigrants, illustrate how the growing rigid integration and assimilative discourses in Europe contradict an individual anchoring in national and local communities. The narratives of women participating in these studies show multilayered angles of belonging presenting an alternative to the increasing strong argument for a fixed notion of positioning and national belonging. The female ‘new’ citizens in our study tell stories of individual choices, social mobility and a sense of multiple belonging in and across different communities.

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El ensayo analiza los cambios jurídicos y sociales que experimentaron las mujeres durante los años posteriores a la Revolución Liberal de 1895. La mayoría de las mujeres pioneras en la vida pública del Ecuador provinieron de las clases sociales media y alta. El estudio se concentra en los casos de María Luisa Gómez de la Torre, profesora y la única mujer participante en la fundación del Partido Socialista del Ecuador, y Matilde Hidalgo de Prócel, primera mujer graduada de médico, primera en sufragar en una elección y en obtener un escaño en el Congreso. El artículo indaga si estos cambios institucionales fueron el resultado de una concesión del poder o de una lucha social desde abajo.

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O trabalho faz um retrospecto das principais discussões durante os primeiros anos da Era Vargas sobre a forma de organização do Poder Judiciário na busca de encontrar as motivações que ensejaram a extinção da Justiça Federal de 1a Instância através da Constituição outorgada em 10 de novembro de 1937. A partir da Revolução de 1930, serão apresentadas as principais correntes acerca do sistema de justiça debatidas durante as sessões da subcomissão do Itamarati, criada para elaboração de anteprojeto constitucional a pedido de Getúlio Vargas, então chefe do Governo Provisório, e também nas sessões da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1934. Valendo-se de fontes primárias como normas legais, atas de sessões, cartas e matérias publicadas em jornal da época, a pesquisa destacará a importância dos debates sobre o Poder Judiciário ocorridos na época para a concepção do Estado Nacional que se encontrava em fase de plena construção. Para compreensão do contexto em que as aludidas fontes primárias estão inseridas, privilegiou-se o uso de trabalhos acadêmicos desenvolvidos na década de 1980, principalmente pelo Centro de Pesquisa e Documentação de História Contemporânea do Brasil (CPDOC), que auxiliam a compreensão de uma fase conturbada do passado recente nacional. O trabalho defende a ideia de que, mais do que questões de cunho administrativo ou doutrinário jurídico, foi o ideário que envolveu a concepção do denominado Estado Novo que criou condições ideológicas e políticas autorizadoras, não consolidadas em momento anterior, e que resultou a não inclusão da Justiça Federal de Primeira Instância entre os órgãos do Poder Judiciário na Constituição de 1937.

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Ya desde su primera novela publicada (Barbarie, 1927), el novelista mendocino Carlos Alberto Arroyo se inscribe en una línea de especial relevancia dentro de nuestras letras provinciales: la que responde a una intencionalidad política, nutrida por las complejas alternativas de la historia lugareña, a tal punto que un vasto sector de su obra podría ser denominada "la saga de la Mendoza lencinista". Lo sucesos narrados en La furia de los vencidos giran alrededor de la Revolución del '30 y su repercusión en el ambiente político mendocino, en particular dentro del círculo de una tradicional familia mendocina, los Ansay, cuya casa es el escenario de gran parte de la acción. Sucesivas polaridades espaciales inscritas en los pasajes descriptivos tienden a resaltar el valor simbólico de la casa como ámbito de acción en La furia de los vencidos: la verticalidad que se establece a través del concepto de "clase" como estrato dirigente de la sociedad, respaldada en el ejercicio del poder político; la dialéctica entre el adentro y el afuera, vale decir, la intimidad familiar opuesta al espacio de actuación pública y la idea de lo cerrado, manifiesta en la construcción de un espacio doméstico, asociado a lo femenino -hortus conclusus descripto con una tópica consagrada por la tradición- son otras tantas equivalencias del actuar de los personajes, sometidos a una coyuntura de transformación social que influye de manera decisiva en su destino.

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Cartucho. Relatos de la lucha en el norte de México de Nellie Campobello es un libro excepcional que debido a su posicionamiento político y a la originalidad de su propuesta estética ha sido ignorado y despreciado, siempre a la sombra de los textos canónicos de la literatura de la revolución mexicana. Leemos el texto de Campobello bajo las claves del testimonio y de la autobiografía. Su construcción de una mirada infantil para contar desde una perspectiva villista los enfrentamientos en el norte revolucionario implica un rechazo del registro realista así como la indagación de una reescritura poética-política que recrea una memoria radical, a-moral y provocativa de los hechos de la revolución.

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This study focuses on the works of Cuban writer Reinaldo Arenas, one of the most prolific and controversial Latin American authors in the second half of the twentieth century. First, I propose Arenas as the creator of the Cuban revolutionary novel (a term coined by critics when referring to the narrative written after the revolution), within the scope of postmodern historiographic metafiction and against the trend of the official revolutionary novel promoted by the political establishment. Through the analysis of the five novels of the pentagony and other texts, my study follows the tragic journey of the antihero protagonist, from adolescence into adulthood, registering the correlation between his existential crisis and the narrative historical discourse. Contemporary Cuba from 1959 onwards—the historical-political circumstances that afflicted and overwhelmed him the most—becomes the point of reference to deconstruct reality and reaffirm the existence of a “self” threatened by the violence of a totalitarian discourse. Out of the fragments of this reality, Arenas undertook a radical reconstruction in which he inverted and questioned every inherited cultural value, as well as the power structures. Within this context, Arenas projects what I call “the Cuban hideous unreal”, an ontological and literary vision antagonistic to the carpentirean concept of the American “marvelous real”. ^ Despite the ostracism Reinaldo Arenas suffered for ten years, this study shows how he established through his work a meditative dialogue with himself and the common man. This perspective formulates a permanent literary and philosophic reflection with thinkers and writers of his country and the West, as the basis for a rejection of the Cuban reality. The resultant interdisciplinary and postmodern dialogue constitutes one of the most significant and distinctive contributions of his work. ^

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La presente investigación propone un análisis sobre la crisis política de Crimea en 2014 a partir del influjo que las migraciones desde Rusia han tenido en la historia reciente. Así, a partir de la evaluación de algunos de los momentos de inmigración más representativos en los últimos dos siglos (1860, 1928 y 1991) se vincula el proceso de construcción de la identidad de los inmigrantes -transversal en diferentes periodos históricos en Crimea- con el desarrollo de los eventos de 2014. Lo anterior permite identificar un cierto legado de la migración hacia Crimea en el desarrollo de la crisis, cuyo resultado principal ha sido la anexión de facto de Crimea a Rusia. Ésta no habría sido posible sin el particular ánimo de afinidad con la idea de Rusia –o Russianness- de la mayoría de los habitantes de la península, cuya presencia en la región se explica en parte, a través de los procesos migratorios antes descritos.