969 resultados para Muslim minorities


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Since mass immigration recruitments of the post-war period, ‘othered’ immigrants to both the UK and Australia have faced ‘mainstream’ cultural expectations to assimilate, and various forms of state management of their integration. Perceived failure or refusal to integrate has historically been constructed as deviant, though in certain policy phases this tendency has been mitigated by cultural pluralism and official multiculturalism. At critical times, hegemonic racialisation of immigrant minorities has entailed their criminalisation, especially that of their young men. In the UK following the ‘Rushdie Affair’ of 1989, and in both Britain and Australia following these states’ involvement in the 1990-91 Gulf War, the ‘Muslim Other’ was increasingly targeted in cycles of racialised moral panic. This has intensified dramatically since the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the ensuing ‘War on Terror’. The young men of Muslim immigrant communities in both these nations have, over the subsequent period, been the subject of heightened popular and state Islamophobia in relation to: perceived ‘ethnic gangs’; alleged deviant, predatory masculinity including so-called ‘ethnic gang rape’; and paranoia about Islamist ‘radicalisation’ and its supposed bolstering of terrorism. In this context, the earlier, more genuinely social-democratic and egalitarian, aspects of state approaches to ‘integration’ have been supplanted, briefly glossed by a rhetoric of ‘social inclusion’, by reversion to increasingly oppressive assimilationist and socially controlling forms of integrationism. This article presents some preliminary findings from fieldwork in Greater Manchester over 2012, showing how mainly British-born Muslims of immigrant background have experienced these processes.

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Abstract This thesis examines one of the most sensitive challenges facing contemporary democracies: the accommodation of Muslim minorities in public institutions and services. It focuses on the field of education, and on two particular issues: the public funding of Islamic schools and the accommodation of Muslim needs in public secular schools. The analysis is based on an examination of outcomes in four jurisdictions that differ significantly in the level of accommodation that has emerged: England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec. I seek to explain why such variation in outcomes exists among these four cases. I draw on four bodies of literature to underpin the theoretical framework: historical institutionalism, political mobilization by civil society, political parties, and ideationalism. My argument can be summarized simply; historic church-state settlements, unique in each case, are the most important factor explaining the variation in outcomes in England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec. In some cases, the historic church-state template is incrementally adapted to accommodate Muslim minorities. In other cases, relatively little accommodation occurs and the path-dependent trajectory of church-state relations remains entrenched. While the historic church-state template is a necessary factor in the explanation, it does not fully account for the variation. For a more complete picture, I demonstrate that there are several additional key factors that also shape the outcomes: first, national identity and public attitudes towards immigration and immigrants; second, the extent of mobilization by political agents, such as civil society organizations and historic churches; and third, the response of political parties to demands by Muslims for institutional accommodation. Ultimately, I conclude that Muslims in these jurisdictions are receiving some accommodation, but the process is slow and partial. This thesis makes important theoretical and empirical contributions to the discussion of Muslim integration in liberal democratic states. First, a framework has yet to be developed that considers the theoretical implications of institutional accommodation of Muslims; I address this gap. Second, this research demonstrates the utility of historical institutionalism in explaining the adaptation of church-state templates to accommodate Muslims’ demands. Last, this study makes an original contribution by comparing the cases of England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec in the accommodation of Muslims in education. A comparison of Canada with the United Kingdom has not yet been done.  

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Since 11 September 2001, Muslim minorities have experienced intensive "othering" in “Western” countries, above all in those US-led anglophone nations which invaded Afghanistan and Iraq to prosecute their "war on terror". This paper examines the cases of Britain and Australia, where whole communities of Muslims have been criminalised as "evil" and a "fifth column" enemy within by media, politicians, the security services and the criminal justice system. Although constituted by disparate ethnic groups, the targeted communities in each of these nations have experienced similar treatment in the State's anti-terrorist measures, as well as ideological responses and everyday racism, making comparable the two cases.

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El objetivo principal de esta monografía es mostrar por qué las minorías musulmanas del subcontinente indio en Inglaterra experimentan una creciente limitación a sus libertades. El primer aspecto del análisis se centrará en las restricciones económicas dadas por la crisis económica mundial, el segundo en la acentuación de la intolerancia contra su identidad y finalmente en la percepción de inseguridad ocasionada por los atentados terroristas del 7/7. Se demuestra que la percepción de minoría religiosa en Inglaterra genera un rechazo, y los grupos extremistas islámicos han provocado que este rechazo se incremente. Se toma como referencia a Martha Nussbaum y Zygmunt Bauman, para afirmar que la forma más factible de acabar con el miedo es por medio del respeto a las diferencias sociales, culturales y religiosas.

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The Islamic Republic of Iran has pursued full membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). In doing so, Iran has appeared to be unfazed by the prospect of allying with Russia and China, two countries which have systematically suppressed their Muslim minorities for decades. Similarly, the SCO's Central Asian member states are led by individual leaders who are generally believed to rule in spite of their populations. As a result, Iran's eagerness to join the SCO may appear to contradict its self-promoted image as the champion of Muslim interests, but in reality it sits nicely within its overarching enmity for the USA. Indeed, the SCO is seen as a geopolitical counterweight to the USA. For Iran, this geopolitical opportunity overrides ideological imperatives, with the gap between ideology and geopolitics most evident under the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

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Umfragen über Vorurteile führen oft zu verzerrten Ergebnissen, da die Befragten häufig „sozial erwünschte“ Antworten geben. In unserer Studie über Vorurteile und Diskriminierung haben wir dagegen vier Feldexperimente in der Stadt Zürich durchgeführt, in denen jeweils von Angehörigen verschiedener Nationalitäten oder religiöser Gruppen eine Hilfeleistung erbeten wurde. Beispielsweise wurden Passanten von einer Person mit Kopftuch um eine Hilfeleistung gebeten; in der Kontrollbedingung dagegen ohne Kopftuch. In einem anderen Experiment wurden Personen in Hochdeutsch angesprochen und in der Kontrollsituation im Schweizer Dialekt. Ein fünftes Experiment bezog sich auf die Reaktionen von Arbeitgebern auf Initiativbewerbungen. Es zeigte sich, dass im Alltagsverhalten keine signifikanten Unterschiede im Ausmaß der Hilfeleistung zwischen den Gruppen nachweisbar waren. Alle vier Experimente zu kleinen Hilfen im Alltag ergaben weder bezüglich Deutschen noch muslimischen Minderheiten Hinweise auf diskriminierendes Verhalten. Deutliche Hinweise gibt es dagegen für die Diskriminierung bestimmter ethnischer Gruppen auf dem Arbeitsmarkt, auch wenn Bewerber die gleiche Qualifikation wie Schweizer und die Schweizer Staatsbürgerschaft besitzen.

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Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa

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India's Muslim community, which accounts for 14.4 percent of India’s vast population and is thus the largest of all religious minorities, has been the subject of considerable development discourse as Muslims have the lowest level of educational attainment and standard of living among socio-religious groups in the country. This study addresses the meaning of education and career opportunities for Muslim youths in relation to their educational credentials and social position in the hierarchy of Muslim class and caste groups, with particular reference to a community in Uttar Pradesh. The author contends that the career opportunities, possibilities, and strategies of Muslim youths in Indian society depend on multiple factors: social hierarchy, opportunities to utilize economic resources, social networks, cultural capital, and the wider structural disparities within which the Muslims are situated and wherein they question the value of higher education in gaining them admission to socially recognized and established employment sectors.

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Starting with the incident now known as the Cow’s Head Protest, this article traces and unpacks the events, techniques, and conditions surrounding the representation of ethno-religious minorities in Malaysia. The author suggests that the Malaysian Indians’ struggle to correct the dominant reading of their community as an impoverished and humbled underclass is a disruption of the dominant cultural order in Malaysia. It is also among the key events to have has set in motion a set of dynamics—the visual turn—introduced by new media into the politics of ethno-communal representation in Malaysia. Believing that this situation requires urgent examination the author attempts to outline the problematics of the task.

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In an era of heightened concern about the second generation of Muslim immigrants in connection with 'home-grown terrorism' and supposed refusal to 'integrate', this paper interrogates the common sense that the second generation is 'lost' between cultures. Informed by in-depth, open-ended, semi-structured interviews with young second-generation Lebanese-background immigrants, this paper presents empirical material from two cohorts of participants, one in 1997 and one in 2003. Five cases are considered here, three from 1997 and two from 2003: all Muslim young women. It is argued that, far from being 'lost', the young women are constructing blended identities which they reflect on consciously, under circumstances of everyday racism to which they respond strategically.

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The construction industry of Hong Kong is experiencing an ageing problem and a labour shortage. To alleviate the shortage of construction workforce, the government has initiatives to assist ethnic minorities to join the construction industry. It is foreseeable that more people from the ethnic minorities will join the construction industry. The safety of workers from the ethnic minorities in construction has attracted growing research interest in many developed countries. Statistics show that workers from the ethnic minorities were nearly 30 percent more likely to have work-related injuries than local workers. However, in Hong Kong, official statistics on the safety of workers from the ethnic minorities are not available. This reflects the racial or ethnic insensitivity of the construction industry in Hong Kong. As the safety of ethnic minorities has not received the attention, this research seeking to contribute to efforts to improve the safety of workers from the ethnic minorities in the construction industry of Hong Kong is all the more urgent. This paper provides an initial report of a research project which focuses on improving the safety of ethnic minority construction workers. Qualitative and quantitative research methods applied in conducting the research are first discussed. Preliminary statistics of construction accidents involving ethnic minority construction workers will then be reported.

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A home embodies a sensorial space that is layered with personal memories and traces of history. The success of a home in providing a strong sense of place depends on various factors such as geographical location, climatic conditions, and occupants’ world-views and perceptions. This paper explores Muslims’ perceptions of privacy, modesty and hospitality within their homes through their lived experiences. This case study focuses on three Muslim families living in Australian designed homes within the same suburb of Brisbane, Australia. The study provides prefatory insight into the ways in which these families perform their daily activities and entertain their guests without jeopardizing their privacy needs. The study examines the significance of modesty in the design of Muslim homes as a means by which family members are able to achieve optimum privacy while simultaneously extending hospitality to guests inside and outside their homes. The findings of this study provide opportunities too, for expanding research into culturally adaptable housing systems to help meet the changing needs of Australian multicultural society.

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Despite a significant increase in enrolments of postgraduate international Muslim students within Australian universities, little is known about their perceptions of life within Australian homes while undertaking their studies. The aim of this study is to investigate the ways in which students’ cultural and religious traditions affect their use of domestic spaces within the homes in which they reside. The research found that participants faced some minor difficulties in achieving privacy, maintaining modesty and extending hospitality while able to perform their daily activities in Australian designed homes. The findings suggest that greater research attention needs to be given to the development of Australian home designs that are adaptable to the needs of a multicultural society. Australian society encompasses diverse cultural customs and requirements with respect to home design, and these are yet to be explored.