Islam and political violence : Muslim diaspora and radicalism in the West

How do we engage with the pressing challenges of xenophobia, radicalism and security in the age of the "war on terror"? The widely felt sense of insecurity in the West is shared by Muslims both within and outside Western societies. Growing Islamic militancy and resulting increased security measures by Western powers have contributed to a pervasive sense among Muslims of being under attack (both physically and culturally). Islam and Political Violence brings together the current debate on the uneasy and potentially mutually destructive relationship between the Muslim world and the West and argues we are on a dangerous trajectory, strengthening dichotomous notions of the divide between the West and the Muslim world.

Islam and political violence : Muslim diaspora and radicalism in the West

How do we engage with the pressing challenges of xenophobia, radicalism and security in the age of the "war on terror"? The widely felt sense of insecurity in the West is shared by Muslims both within and outside Western societies. Growing Islamic militancy and resulting increased security measures by Western powers have contributed to a pervasive sense among Muslims of being under attack (both physically and culturally). Islam and Political Violence brings together the current debate on the uneasy and potentially mutually destructive relationship between the Muslim world and the West and argues we are on a dangerous trajectory, strengthening dichotomous notions of the divide between the West and the Muslim world.

Political Islam and human security

In the wake of the September 11 and subsequent terrorist attacks, the academic and media commentaries on 'Islam the religion' and 'Islam the basis for political ideology' has received an unprecedented high level of attention. This book deals with such questions as the nature of Islamism, the impact of the 'war on terror' on militancy, and more.

Cultural diversity in the Australian classroom and the experience of Arab-Muslim students

Table of Contents : Preface Introduction 1. Building the Australia-India Relationship- Bruce Bennett 2. Plural Cultures, Monolithic Structures- Kapila Vatsyayan 3. The Homogenised Other: Cultural Diversity and Social Inequality- Alan Mayne 4. Deliberative Democracy and Modern Pluralism- Subrata Mukherjee 5. ‘A long and winding road’. From Cultural Homogeneity to a Multicultural Society: An Analysis of Inclusion and Exclusion in Australia- David Roberts 6. Limits of Multiculturalism in a Liberal Polity: Need for a Shared Identity-Sushila Ramaswamy 7. “Australia is a Multicultural Community –you’ll feel at home”:Cultural Diversity and the Promotion of Australia Internationally- Andrew Hassam 8. Accommodation of Cultural Diversity in India: Reflections on Past and Present- Abdulrahim P. Vijapur 9. Gandhian Ideas on Cultural Diversity and Unity in India- Sailaja Gullapalli 10. Multiculturalism: Australian and Indian Approach-Sonu Trivedi 11. Post Colonial Formation, Paradigm Consolidation and Economic Marginalization- S. Ram Vemuri 12. Dalits and Indigenous Australians: Affirmative Actions and Existing Realities- Swaraj Basu 13. Exploring a Critical Tradition in Communications Research: A Cultural Discourse- Amita Singh 14. Education and Empowerment: Dalits and the Demand for Modern Education in Colonial India- Shashi Bhushan Upadhyay 15. Recent Developments in Indian Migration to Australia (with Special Reference to Academics)- Graeme Hugo and Gouranga Lal Dasvarma 16. Cultural Diversity in the Australian Classroom and the Experience of Arab-Muslim Students- Sally Percival Wood 17. Working Australia Efficiency and Equity- Liz Hall 18. North-East India’s Cultural Diversity: Trends of Unrest and Marginalization- Sudhir Jacob George 19. Socio-economic Inequities of Tribal Communities in India- Priti Singh 20. Reinventing Australian Identity-D. Gopal 21. Identity and Rights of the Diaspora in the Post-colonial Era- R. Narayanan 22. Understanding Cultural Diversity: Reflections from the Americas- Satya R. Pattnayak Contributors Index

Franchise nations : theorising diaspora from outside In(dia)

Research on diaspora has long been dominated by approaches that centre on displacement, relocation, mixed identities, cultural hybridity, loss, yearning and disaffection. In this paper, I outline a fresh conceptual framework, franchise nation, which approaches the study of diaspora from the perspective of the state. What this framework allows is the study of the processes that states employ to woo, nurture and engage their diasporas so as to extend their sovereignty extra-territorially, ie. statecraft. The franchise nation concept draws on the notion of cultural expediency and complements two approaches that dominate the study of statecraft today: soft power and nation branding. However, the point of this is not, to borrow Gayatri Spivak’s words, to be either pro or anti-sovereign but rather to stay awake to how sovereignty is “invoked, extended, deterritorialised, aggregated, [and] abrogated” (2007). Far from suggesting the imminent arrival of a post-national period, the intention with the franchise nation concept is to explicate and better understand the complexities that inhabit the terrain between diaspora, home and host nation that allow and accompany the exercise of sovereignty from afar.

Reorienting diaspora : China and India as franchise nations

In this paper, I outline a new approach towards media and diaspora using the concept of the ‘franchise nation’. It is my contention that current theories on migration, media and diaspora with their emphasis on exile, multiple belongings, hybrid identities and their representations are inadequate to the task of explaining the emergence of a new trend in diaspora, home and host nation relationship. This, I suggest, is a recent shift most notable in the attitudes of the Chinese and Indian governments toward their diasporas. From earlier eras where Chinese sojourners were regarded as disloyal and Indians overseas left to fend for themselves, Chinese and Indian migrants are today directly addressed and wooed by their nations of origin. This change is motivated in part by the realisation that diasporic populations are, in fact, resources that can bring significant influence to bear on home nation interests within host nations. Such sway in foreign lands gains greater importance as China and India are, by virtue of their economic rise and prominence on the world stage, subject to ever more intense international scrutiny. Members of these diasporas have willingly responded to these changes by claiming and cultivating pivotal roles for themselves within host nations as spokespersons, informants and representatives, trading on their assumed familiarity with home cultures, language and commerce. As a result, China and India have initiated a number of statecraft strategies in recent years to (re)engage their diasporas. Both nations have identified media as amongst the key instruments of their strategies. New media enhances the ability of all parties—home and host states, institutions and individuals—to participate, interact and reciprocate. While China’s centralised government has utilised the notion of soft power (ruan shili) to describe its practices, India’s efforts are diffused along the lines of nation branding via myriad labels like India Inc. and the Global Indian. To explain this emergent trend, I propose a new framework, franchise nation, defined as a reciprocal relationship between nation and diaspora that is characterised by mutual obligations and benefits. In appropriating this phrase from Stephenson, I liken contemporary statecraft operating in China and India to a business franchising system wherein benefits may be economic or cultural and; those thus connected signal their willingness for mutual exchange and concede a sense of obligation. As such, franchise nation is not concerned with remote, unidirectional interference in home nation affairs a la Anderson’s ‘long-distance nationalism’. Rather, it is a framework that seeks to reflect more closely the dynamism of the relationship between diaspora, home and host nations.

Diaspora: the new philanthropy?

Diaspora philanthropy is a popular buzzword; however, what the term encompasses or how institutionalised the phenomenon is remains an open question. There are as many views and definitions of diaspora philanthropy as there are diaspora communities involved. It is often seen as a potential source of funding for geographic regions, religions or ethnic communities globally. But identifying a framework for diaspora philanthropy is difficult. Unlike the literature on international philanthropy (including ethnic philanthropy and cross-border philanthropy), which has been a predominant topic of interest in recent years, the literature on diaspora philanthropy is scarce. There is a variety of opinion on what should and should not be considered under this scribe, which makes it impossible to provide a definitive description of diaspora philanthropy that suits everyone. The term “diaspora” has different meanings for different individuals and groups of people. Some see it as relating only to exiled and ejected communities of people; others use the term to refer to individuals or groups who are living in a new homeland whether by choice or circumstance. This paper defines “diaspora” in terms of an individual or group which identifies with an original homeland, (either theirs or a member of their family’s such as a grandparent), and is in the diaspora whether through their choice or a circumstance beyond their control. This obligatory identification towards a homeland differentiates this study on diaspora philanthropy from those that define it as an affiliation with a religious community and not necessarily a specific homeland.

Tolerance, Freedom, Justice and Peace?: Britain, Australia and anti-Muslim Racism in the UK and Australia before 11 September 2001

Since 11 September 2001, Muslim minorities have experienced intensive "othering" in “Western” countries, above all in those US-led anglophone nations which invaded Afghanistan and Iraq to prosecute their "war on terror". This paper examines the cases of Britain and Australia, where whole communities of Muslims have been criminalised as "evil" and a "fifth column" enemy within by media, politicians, the security services and the criminal justice system. Although constituted by disparate ethnic groups, the targeted communities in each of these nations have experienced similar treatment in the State's anti-terrorist measures, as well as ideological responses and everyday racism, making comparable the two cases.

The Lost Girls: Muslim Young Women in Australia

In an era of heightened concern about the second generation of Muslim immigrants in connection with 'home-grown terrorism' and supposed refusal to 'integrate', this paper interrogates the common sense that the second generation is 'lost' between cultures. Informed by in-depth, open-ended, semi-structured interviews with young second-generation Lebanese-background immigrants, this paper presents empirical material from two cohorts of participants, one in 1997 and one in 2003. Five cases are considered here, three from 1997 and two from 2003: all Muslim young women. It is argued that, far from being 'lost', the young women are constructing blended identities which they reflect on consciously, under circumstances of everyday racism to which they respond strategically.