14 resultados para Monosyllables


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This paper contains a speech discrimination test in the Russian language composed of fifty known Russian monosyllables.

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Most existing models of language production and speech motor control do not explicitly address how language requirements affect speech motor functions, as these domains are usually treated as separate and independent from one another. This investigation compared lip movements during bilabial closure between five individuals with mild aphasia and five age and gender-matched control speakers when the linguistic characteristics of the stimuli were varied by increasing the number of syllables. Upper and lower lip movement data were collected for mono-, bi- and tri-syllabic nonword sequences using an AG 100 EMMA system. Each task was performed under both normal and fast rate conditions. Single articulator kinematic parameters (peak velocity, amplitude, duration,and cyclic spatio-temporal index) were measured to characterize lip movements. Results revealed that compared to control speakers, individuals with aphasia showed significantly longer movement duration and lower movement stability for longer items (bi- and tri-syllables). Moreover, utterance length affected the lip kinematics, in that the monosyllables had smaller peak velocities, smaller amplitudes and shorter durations compared to bi- and trisyllables, and movement stability was lowest for the trisyllables. In addition, the rate-induced changes (smaller amplitude and shorter duration with increased rate) were most prominent for the short items (i.e., monosyllables). These findings provide further support for the notion that linguistic changes have an impact on the characteristics of speech movements, and that individuals with aphasia are more affected by such changes than control speakers.

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The purpose of this study was to determine the influence of hearing protection devices (HPDs) on the understanding of speech in young adults with normal hearing, both in a silent situation and in the presence of ambient noise. The experimental research was carried out with the following variables: five different conditions of HPD use (without protectors, with two earplugs and with two earmuffs); a type of noise (pink noise); 4 test levels (60, 70, 80 and 90 dB[A]); 6 signal/noise ratios (without noise, + 5, + 10, zero, - 5 and - 10 dB); 5 repetitions for each case, totalling 600 tests with 10 monosyllables in each one. The variable measure was the percentage of correctly heard words (monosyllabic) in the test. The results revealed that, at the lowest levels (60 and 70 dB), the protectors reduced the intelligibility of speech (compared to the tests without protectors) while, in the presence of ambient noise levels of 80 and 90 dB and unfavourable signal/noise ratios (0, -5 and -10 dB), the HPDs improved the intelligibility. A comparison of the effectiveness of earplugs versus earmuffs showed that the former offer greater efficiency in respect to the recognition of speech, providing a 30% improvement over situations in which no protection is used. As might be expected, this study confirmed that the protectors' influence on speech intelligibility is related directly to the spectral curve of the protector's attenuation. (C) 2003 Elsevier B.V. Ltd. All rights reserved.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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This paper aims to conduct a study on the prosodic behavior of monosyllables in Medieval Portuguese. This research is based on an innovative methodology that observes the relation between musical and linguistic prominences and its contributions for data collection regarding the prosodic structure of the language in study. There are in Medieval Portuguese heavy (tonic) monosyllables and light (atonic) monosyllables with diverse syllabic structure. The onset is irrelevant for the syllabic weight. Monosyllables with a consonant in the coda are heavy unless this consonant represents an inflexion element. Monosyllables with no consonant in the coda are normally light but there are also heavy monosyllables with no consonant in the coda.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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New technology in the Freedom (R) speech processor for cochlear implants was developed to improve how incoming acoustic sound is processed; this applies not only for new users, but also for previous generations of cochlear implants. Aim: To identify the contribution of this technology - the Nucleus 22 (R) - on speech perception tests in silence and in noise, and on audiometric thresholds. Methods: A cross-sectional cohort study was undertaken. Seventeen patients were selected. The last map based on the Spectra (R) was revised and optimized before starting the tests. Troubleshooting was used to identify malfunction. To identify the contribution of the Freedom (R) technology for the Nucleus22 (R), auditory thresholds and speech perception tests were performed in free field in soundproof booths. Recorded monosyllables and sentences in silence and in noise (SNR = 0dB) were presented at 60 dBSPL. The nonparametric Wilcoxon test for paired data was used to compare groups. Results: Freedom (R) applied for the Nucleus22 (R) showed a statistically significant difference in all speech perception tests and audiometric thresholds. Conclusion: The reedom (R) technology improved the performance of speech perception and audiometric thresholds of patients with Nucleus 22 (R).

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Amawaka ([ɑmɨ̃ˈwɐkɑ]) is a highly endangered and underdocumented tonal language of the Headwaters (Fleck 2011) subgroup of the Panoan family in the Southwest Amazon Basin, spoken by approximately 200 people. Undocumented phonetic and phonological phenomena of Amawaka include its tonal structure, both in terms of surface realizations and the patterns underlying these realizations. Original audiovisual data from the author’s fieldwork in various Amawaka communities at the Peru-Brazil border will illuminate the as-yet obscure tonal systematicity of the language. Unlike other elements, monosyllabic bimoraic phonological nominal words with long vowels display variation in their surface realization. All the words with the open back unrounded /ɑ/, like /ˈkɑ̀:/ (patarashca, a traditional Amazonian dish), /ˈnɑ̀:/ “mestizo” etc. [with the exception of /ˈtɑ:/ “reed”, which surfaces with either a H or L tone] bear a low tone in isolation. This realization contrasts with all the encountered nominal monosyllables with vowels from the close and close-mid front and central spectrum /i, ɘ, ɨ, ɨ̃/, which clearly surface as high tone words in isolation, for example /ˈmɨ̃́:/ (a clay-lick for animals), /ˈwí:/ “Anopheles, spp. mosquito”. Monosyllables with close-mid back rounded /o/ have a less restrictive pitch that varies among speakers from low to high realizations, and sometimes even across the speech tokens from an individual speaker, e.g. /wó:/ or /wō:/ “hair”, /ɧō:/ or /ɧò:/ (a type of tarantula). Phrasal tonal phonology is more complex, when these three kinds of monosyllables appear in larger noun phrases. Some retain the same surface tones as their isolation form, while others seem to vary freely in their surface realization, e.g. /ˈtɘ́:.nɑ̀:/ or /ˈtɘ́:.nɑ́:/ ‘one mestizo’. Yet other monosyllables, e.g. /mɑ̀:/, exhibit a falling tone when preceded by a H syllable, suggesting probably latent tone sandhi phenomena, e.g /ˈtɘ́:.mɑ̂:/ (one clay-lick for parrots). In disyllabic, trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic nouns, tonal and stress patterns generally seem to be more consistent and tend to be retained both in isolation and in larger intonational phrases. Disyllabic nouns, for instance, surface as L-H or L-L when a glottal stop is in coda position. The association of L with a glottal stop is a feature that occurs in other Panoan languages as well, like Capanahua (Loos 1969), and more generally it is an areal feature, found in other parts of Amazonia (Hyman 2010). So, tone has significant interactions with the glottal stop and glottalization, which generally co-occurs with L. The data above suggest that the underlying tonal system of Amawaka is much more complex than the privative one-tone analysis (/H/ vs. Ø, i.e. lack of tone) that was proposed by Russell and Russell (1959). Evidence from field data suggests either an equipollent (Hyman 2010) two-tone opposition between /H/ and /L/, or a hybrid system, with both equipollent and privative features; that is, /H/ vs. /L/ vs. either Ø or /M/. This first systematic description of Amawaka tone, in conjunction with ongoing research, is poised to address broader questions concerning interrelationships between surface/underlying tone and other suprasegmental features, such as nasality, metrical stress, and intonation. References Fleck, David W. 2011. Panoan languages and linguistics. In Javier Ruedas and David W. Fleck (Eds.), Panoan Histories and Interethnic Identities, To appear. Hyman, Larry. 2010. Amazonia and the typology of tone systems. Presented at the conference Amazonicas III: The structure of the Amazonian languages. Bogotá. Loos, Eugene E. 1969. The phonology of Capanahua and its grammatical basis. Norman: SIL and U. Oklahoma. Russell, Robert & Dolores. 1959. Syntactotonemics in Amahuaca (Pano). Série Lingüistica Especial, 128-167. Publicaçoes do Museu Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, Brasil.

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Amawaka ([ɑmɨ̃ˈwɐkɑ]) is a highly endangered and underdocumented tonal language of the Headwaters (Fleck 2011) subgroup of the Panoan family in the Southwest Amazon Basin, spoken by approximately 200 people. Undocumented phonetic and phonological phenomena of Amawaka include its tonal structure, both in terms of surface realizations and the patterns underlying these realizations. Original audiovisual data from the author’s fieldwork in various Amawaka communities at the Peru-Brazil border will illuminate the as-yet obscure tonal systematicity of the language. Unlike other elements, monosyllabic bimoraic phonological nominal words with long vowels display variation in their surface realization. All the words with the open back unrounded /ɑ/, like /ˈkɑ̀:/ (a traditional Amazonian dish), /ˈnɑ̀:/ “mestizo” etc. [with the exception of /ˈtɑ:/ “reed”, which surfaces with either a H or L tone] bear a low tone in isolation. This realization contrasts with all the encountered nominal monosyllables with vowels from the close and close-mid front and central spectrum /i, ɘ, ɨ, ɨ̃/, which clearly surface as high tone words in isolation, for example /ˈmɨ̃́:/ (a clay-lick for animals), /ˈwí:/ “Anopheles, spp. mosquito”. Monosyllables with close-mid back rounded /o/ have a less restrictive pitch that varies among speakers from low to high realizations, and sometimes even across the speech tokens from an individual speaker, e.g. /wó:/ or /wō:/ “hair”, /ɧō:/ or /ɧò:/ (a type of tarantula). Phrasal tonal phonology is more complex, when these three kinds of monosyllables appear in larger noun phrases. Some retain the same surface tones as their isolation form, while others seem to vary freely in their surface realization, e.g. /ˈtɘ́:.nɑ̀:/ or /ˈtɘ́:.nɑ́:/ ‘one mestizo’. Yet other monosyllables, e.g. /mɑ̀:/, exhibit a falling tone when preceded by a H syllable, suggesting probably latent tone sandhi phenomena, e.g /ˈtɘ́:.mɑ̂:/ (one clay-lick for parrots). In disyllabic, trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic nouns, tonal and stress patterns generally seem to be more consistent and tend to be retained both in isolation and in larger intonational phrases. Disyllabic nouns, for instance, surface as L-H or L-L when a glottal stop is in coda position. The association of L with a glottal stop is a feature that occurs in other Panoan languages as well, like Capanahua (Loos 1969), and more generally it is an areal feature, found in other parts of Amazonia (Hyman 2010). So, tone has significant interactions with the glottal stop and glottalization, which generally co-occurs with L. The data above suggest that the underlying tonal system of Amawaka is much more complex than the privative one-tone analysis (/H/ vs. Ø, i.e. lack of tone) that was proposed by Russell and Russell (1959). Evidence from field data suggests either an equipollent (Hyman 2010) two-tone opposition between /H/ and /L/, or a hybrid system, with both equipollent and privative features; that is, /H/ vs. /L/ vs. either Ø or /M/. This first systematic description of Amawaka tone, in conjunction with ongoing research, is poised to address broader questions concerning interrelationships between surface/underlying tone and other suprasegmental features, such as nasality, metrical stress, and intonation. References Fleck, David W. 2011. Panoan languages and linguistics. In Javier Ruedas and David W. Fleck (Eds.), Panoan Histories and Interethnic Identities, To appear. Hyman, Larry. 2010. Amazonia and the typology of tone systems. Presented at the conference Amazonicas III: The structure of the Amazonian languages. Bogotá. Loos, Eugene E. 1969. The phonology of Capanahua and its grammatical basis. Norman: SIL and U. Oklahoma. Russell, Robert & Dolores. 1959. Syntactotonemics in Amahuaca (Pano). Série Lingüistica Especial, 128-167. Publicaçoes do Museu Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, Brasil.

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A perda auditiva no idoso acarreta em dificuldade na percepção da fala. O teste comumente utilizado na logoaudiometria é a pesquisa do índice de reconhecimento de fala máximo (IR-Max) em uma única intensidade de apresentação da fala. Entretanto, o procedimento mais adequado seria a realização do teste em diversas intensidades, visto que o índice de acerto depende da intensidade da fala no momento do teste e está relacionado com o grau e configuração da perda auditiva. A imprecisão na obtenção do IR-Max poderá gerar uma hipótese diagnóstica errônea e o insucesso no processo de intervenção na perda auditiva. Objetivo: Verificar a interferência do nível de apresentação da fala, no teste de reconhecimento de fala, em idosos com perda auditiva sensorioneural com diferentes configurações audiométricas. Métodos: Participaram 64 idosos, 120 orelhas (61 do gênero feminino e 59 do gênero masculino), idade entre 60 e 88 anos, divididos em grupos: G1- composto por 23 orelhas com configuração horizontal, G2- 55 orelhas com configuração descendente, G3- 42 orelhas com configuração abrupta. Os critérios de inclusão foram: perda auditiva sensorioneural de grau leve a severo, não usuário de aparelho de amplificação sonora individual (AASI), ou com tempo de uso inferior a dois meses, e ausência de alterações cognitivas. Foram realizados os seguintes procedimentos: pesquisas do limiar de reconhecimento de fala (LRF), do índice de reconhecimento de fala (IRF) em diversas intensidades e do nível de máximo conforto (MCL) e desconforto (UCL) para a fala. Para tal, foram utilizadas listas com 11 monossílabos, para diminuir a duração do teste. A análise estatística foi composta pelo teste Análise de Variância (ANOVA) e teste de Tukey. Resultados: A configuração descendente foi a de maior ocorrência. Indivíduos com configuração horizontal apresentaram índice médio de acerto mais elevado de reconhecimento de fala. Ao considerar o total avaliado, 27,27% dos indivíduos com configuração horizontal revelaram o IR-Max no MCL, assim como 38,18% com configuração descendente e 26,19% com configuração abrupta. O IR-Max foi encontrado no UCL, em 40,90% dos indivíduos com configuração horizontal, 45,45% com configuração descendente e 28,20% com configuração abrupta. Respectivamente, o maior e o menor índice médio de acerto foram encontrados em: G1- 30 e 40 dBNS; G2- 50 e 10 dBNS; G3- 45 e 10 dBNS. Não há uma única intensidade de fala a ser utilizada em todos os tipos de configurações audiométricas, entretanto, os níveis de sensação que identificaram os maiores índices médios de acerto foram: G1- 20 a 30 dBNS, G2- 20 a 50 dBNS; G3- 45 dBNS. O MCL e o UCL-5 dB para a fala não foram eficazes para determinar o IR-Max. Conclusões: O nível de apresentação teve influência no desempenho no reconhecimento de fala para monossílabos em idosos com perda auditiva sensorioneural em todas as configurações audiométricas. A perda auditiva de grau moderado e a configuração audiométrica descendente foram mais frequentes nessa população, seguida da abrupta e horizontal.

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Derivational morphology proposes meaningful connections between words and is largely unrepresented in lexical databases. This thesis presents a project to enrich a lexical database with morphological links and to evaluate their contribution to disambiguation. A lexical database with sense distinctions was required. WordNet was chosen because of its free availability and widespread use. Its suitability was assessed through critical evaluation with respect to specifications and criticisms, using a transparent, extensible model. The identification of serious shortcomings suggested a portable enrichment methodology, applicable to alternative resources. Although 40% of the most frequent words are prepositions, they have been largely ignored by computational linguists, so addition of prepositions was also required. The preferred approach to morphological enrichment was to infer relations from phenomena discovered algorithmically. Both existing databases and existing algorithms can capture regular morphological relations, but cannot capture exceptions correctly; neither of them provide any semantic information. Some morphological analysis algorithms are subject to the fallacy that morphological analysis can be performed simply by segmentation. Morphological rules, grounded in observation and etymology, govern associations between and attachment of suffixes and contribute to defining the meaning of morphological relationships. Specifying character substitutions circumvents the segmentation fallacy. Morphological rules are prone to undergeneration, minimised through a variable lexical validity requirement, and overgeneration, minimised by rule reformulation and restricting monosyllabic output. Rules take into account the morphology of ancestor languages through co-occurrences of morphological patterns. Multiple rules applicable to an input suffix need their precedence established. The resistance of prefixations to segmentation has been addressed by identifying linking vowel exceptions and irregular prefixes. The automatic affix discovery algorithm applies heuristics to identify meaningful affixes and is combined with morphological rules into a hybrid model, fed only with empirical data, collected without supervision. Further algorithms apply the rules optimally to automatically pre-identified suffixes and break words into their component morphemes. To handle exceptions, stoplists were created in response to initial errors and fed back into the model through iterative development, leading to 100% precision, contestable only on lexicographic criteria. Stoplist length is minimised by special treatment of monosyllables and reformulation of rules. 96% of words and phrases are analysed. 218,802 directed derivational links have been encoded in the lexicon rather than the wordnet component of the model because the lexicon provides the optimal clustering of word senses. Both links and analyser are portable to an alternative lexicon. The evaluation uses the extended gloss overlaps disambiguation algorithm. The enriched model outperformed WordNet in terms of recall without loss of precision. Failure of all experiments to outperform disambiguation by frequency reflects on WordNet sense distinctions.

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This study explored the role of formant transitions and F0-contour continuity in binding together speech sounds into a coherent stream. Listening to a repeating recorded word produces verbal transformations to different forms; stream segregation contributes to this effect and so it can be used to measure changes in perceptual coherence. In experiment 1, monosyllables with strong formant transitions between the initial consonant and following vowel were monotonized; each monosyllable was paired with a weak-transitions counterpart. Further stimuli were derived by replacing the consonant-vowel transitions with samples from adjacent steady portions. Each stimulus was concatenated into a 3-min-long sequence. Listeners only reported more forms in the transitions-removed condition for strong-transitions words, for which formant-frequency discontinuities were substantial. In experiment 2, the F0 contour of all-voiced monosyllables was shaped to follow a rising or falling pattern, spanning one octave. Consecutive tokens either had the same contour, giving an abrupt F0 change between each token, or alternated, giving a continuous contour. Discontinuous sequences caused more transformations and forms, and shorter times to the first transformation. Overall, these findings support the notion that continuity cues provided by formant transitions and the F0 contour play an important role in maintaining the perceptual coherence of speech.