886 resultados para Monarchical legitimacy


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El teatro es el espacio público más significativo en lo que respecta a la construcción de representaciones en la sociedad de la modernidad. En este sentido, indagaremos sobre las representaciones del poder, particularmente sobre la legitimidad monárquica en el teatro isabelino. Nos centraremos en las obras denominadas Henriada de W. Shakespeare, un autor que se ha detenido particularmente en la figura del rey, del príncipe y de las relaciones de alta política. Indagación que tiene como fin introducirse en la problemática de la legitimidad monárquica a la luz de los sucesos ocurridos en una Europa donde la discusión sobre el poder tendrá importantes consecuencias en los desarrollos posteriores del Estado moderno

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El teatro es el espacio público más significativo en lo que respecta a la construcción de representaciones en la sociedad de la modernidad. En este sentido, indagaremos sobre las representaciones del poder, particularmente sobre la legitimidad monárquica en el teatro isabelino. Nos centraremos en las obras denominadas Henriada de W. Shakespeare, un autor que se ha detenido particularmente en la figura del rey, del príncipe y de las relaciones de alta política. Indagación que tiene como fin introducirse en la problemática de la legitimidad monárquica a la luz de los sucesos ocurridos en una Europa donde la discusión sobre el poder tendrá importantes consecuencias en los desarrollos posteriores del Estado moderno

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El teatro es el espacio público más significativo en lo que respecta a la construcción de representaciones en la sociedad de la modernidad. En este sentido, indagaremos sobre las representaciones del poder, particularmente sobre la legitimidad monárquica en el teatro isabelino. Nos centraremos en las obras denominadas Henriada de W. Shakespeare, un autor que se ha detenido particularmente en la figura del rey, del príncipe y de las relaciones de alta política. Indagación que tiene como fin introducirse en la problemática de la legitimidad monárquica a la luz de los sucesos ocurridos en una Europa donde la discusión sobre el poder tendrá importantes consecuencias en los desarrollos posteriores del Estado moderno

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Adopting an intergroup perspective, the research was designed to examine predictors of employee responses to an organizational merger. Data were collected from 120 employees of a newly merged scientific organization. As predicted from social identity theory, the most negative responses to the merger were apparent among the employees of the low status premerger organization. There was also evidence of ingroup bias among both groups of employees involved in the merger—as expected, the bias was most marked on the status-irrelevant dimensions for the employees of the lower status organization, but most marked on the status-relevant dimensions for the employees of the high status organization. Also, in support of social identity theory, the perceived legitimacy of the basis for the status differentiation between the groups was associated with more positive responses to the merger among employees of the low status premerger organization, but with poorer responses among employees of the high status premerger organization. There was consistent evidence that the status by legitimacy interaction was mediated through the extent to which employees of the newly merged organization perceived a common ingroup identity

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Using a social identity perspective, two experiments examined the effects of power and the legitimacy of power differentials on intergroup bias. In Experiment 1, 125 math-science students were led to believe that they had high or low representation in a university decision-making body relative to social-science students and that this power position was either legitimate or illegitimate. Power did not have an independent effect on bias; rather, members of both high and low power groups showed more bias when the power hierarchy was illegitimate than when it was legitimate. This effect was replicated in Experiment 2 (N =105). In addition, Experiment 2 showed that groups located within an unfair power hierarchy expected the superordinate power body to be more discriminatory than did those who had legitimately high or low power. The results are discussed in terms of their implications for group relations.

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Previous research has demonstrated the importance of developing legitimacy initiatives in order to create new business opportunities, satisfy shareholders, and obtain access to resources. Within this framework, cognitive legitimacy plays a key role. Through a case study of six Spanish public universities, the authors measure the relationship between cognitive legitimacy, access to resources, and organizational results. The results support the assertion that organizations with more cognitive legitimacy have greater access to resources and improved their results. This study contributes with muchneeded empirical research on cognitive legitimacy and demonstrates its usefulness as an explanative factor of organizational success.

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Através da comparação das ideias de três grandes teóricos da política no conturbado contexto da República de Weimar, esta dissertação pretende reconsiderar a crise da legitimidade política na modernidade tardia. Tal crise é concebida tanto em sentido estrito, enquanto crise das democracias liberais perante os efeitos de rápidas mudanças sociais e a emergência da política de massas, como em sentido lato, ou seja, enquanto crise dos alicerces político-intelectuais da era moderna. Nessa medida, veremos como os juízos de Weber, Kelsen e Schmitt não se limitam a veicular veredictos contrastantes sobre a democracia de massas, o parlamentarismo e os partidos políticos, remetendo também para narrativas distintas sobre o destino do homem moderno – narrativas que oscilam entre o optimismo moderado, a ambivalência e a reacção hostil.

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The legitimacy of the WTO's decision-making process has always been questioned, and many have advocated public participation mechanisms as a remedy. The present study considers the limits and potential of these mechanisms by advancing a conceptual framework, which distinguishes the four 'implementation parameters' of public participation: the goal, the object, the modalities, and the actors. It addresses the issue of legitimacy by considering to what extent, and by virtue of which legal developments, one can see implementing the democratic principle as a goal for public participation in the context of the WTO. By analyzing the institutional structure of the WTO and its different types of decisions, it then outlines how this goal should influence the object and modalities of public participation, which decision-making procedures should be opened to public participation, and how the mechanisms should be implemented in practice. Finally, it suggests speciflrc amendments to existing WTO affangements on public participation

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Tal i com estableix la Carta de les Nacions Unides, el Consell de Seguretat determina l’existència d’una amenaça a la pau, un trencament de la pau o un acte d’agressió i decideix les mesures que han de fer-se servir per restaurar la pau i seguretat internacionals, també l’ús de la força. L’objectiu d’aquest article és explorar la legitimitat d’aquest ús de la força. Amb aquest objectiu, el text parteix d’una definició centrada en les seves dimensions legal, normativa i social. En segon lloc, s’analitzarà com aquestes dimensions estan representades als debats del Consell de Seguretat de la guerra d’Irak de 2003, un dels usos de la força més controvertits i que més debat ha generat als darrers anys. Finalment, l’anàlisi proposat permet treure algunes conclusions sobre les bases canviants de la legitimitat de l’ús de la força.