Cervical mobilisation: concurrent effects on pain, sympathetic nervous system activity and motor activity

Recent findings that spinal manual therapy (SMT) produces concurrent hypoalgesic and sympathoexcitatory effects have led to the proposal that SMT may exert its initial effects by activating descending inhibitory pathways from the dorsal periaqueductal gray area of the midbrain (dPAG). In addition to hypoalgesic and sympathoexcitatory effects, stimulation of the dPAG in animals has been shown to hal e a facilitatory effect on motor activity. This study sought to further investigate the proposal regarding SMT and the FAG by including a test of motor function in addition to the variables previously investigated, Using a condition randomised, placebo-controlled, double blind, repeated measures design, 30 subjects with mid to lon er cervical spine pain of insidious onset participated in the study. The results indicated that the cervical mobilisation technique produced a hypoalgesic effect as revealed by increased pressure pain thresholds on the side of treatment (P = 0.0001) and decreased resting visual analogue scale scores (P = 0.049). The treatment technique also produced a sympathoexcitatory effect with an increase in skin conductance (P < 0.002) and a decrease in skin temperature (P = < 0.02). There was a decrease in superficial neck flexor muscle activity (P < 0.0002) at the lower levels of a staged cranio-cervical flexion test. This could imply facilitation of the deep neck flexor muscles with a decreased need for co-activation of the superficial neck flexors, The combination of all findings,would support the proposal that SMT may, at least initially, exert part of its influence via activation of the PAG, (C) 2000 Harcourt Publishers Ltd.

Patterns of lipid storage and mobilisation in the female green sea turtle (Chelonia mydas)

Reproductive data from southern Queensland indicate that vitellogenesis in female Chelonia mydas takes approximately 8 months and is followed by a migration to a breeding area. At Heron Island, females lay multiple clutches over approximately 3 months. To investigate how females mobilise and store lipid during the breeding season we collected plasma, yolk, and fat tissue samples from females at a variety of stages during the nesting season. In breeding females, concentrations of plasma triglyceride increased seasonally. They reached peak concentrations during vitellogenesis and courtship, remained high throughout the nesting season, and then declined to a nadir after the last clutch. Plasma protein concentration increased throughout the breeding season, peaking following the last clutch for the season. Yolk lipids were highest during courtship and were similar throughout the nesting season, suggesting that uptake of lipid by ovarian follicles is completed prior to the beginning of the nesting season. Plasma triglyceride decreases in females with prolonged periods of unsuccessful nesting, and total lipid levels in adipose tissue and follicle yolks were significantly lower in atretic females. It appears that: (1) endogenous energy reserves can be reduced by stochastic environmental events (such as those reducing nesting success), and (2) a metabolic shift signalling the end of the nesting season is characterised by a drop in plasma triglycerides and slight increase in total plasma protein.

Mainmise sur l'état social : mobilisation patronale et caisse de compensation en Suisse (1908-1960)

Qui sait qu'en Suisse, les associations patronales mettent en oeuvre l'Etat social ? Qui sait que associations organisent la majorité des caisses de compensation, dont la fonction principale est de collecter les cotisations et de payer les rentes de l'Assurance-vieillesse et survivants ? Qui connaît ces caisses par lesquelles transitent les milliards de l'Etat social ? L'objectif de cette thèse consiste à comprendre les raisons qui ont poussé le patronat helvétique à mettre en oeuvre les politiques de protection sociale, dont il a pourtant toujours essayé de limiter le développement. Résoudre ce paradoxe implique de se pencher sur près d'un siècle d'histoire mêlée du patronat et des politiques sociales. Ce travail retrace, sur la base d'archives privées et publiques souvent inédites, les raisons qui ont poussé les patrons à créer les premières caisses de compensation dans l'entre-deux-guerres, puis à imposer cette forme d'organisation pour l'aide aux soldats mobilisés (autour de 1940) et l'Assurance- vieillesse et survivants (autour de 1948). Il étudie également comment les associations patronales sont parvenues à défendre leurs caisses jusqu'à aujourd'hui, contre ceux qui dénonçaient l'irrationalité de l'existence d'une centaine de caisses de compensation publiques et privées concurrentes pour mettre en oeuvre un seul système d'assurances sociales. Cette recherche amène deux grands résultats. D'une part, elle propose une histoire originale des politiques sociales en Suisse. Le prisme des caisses de compensation patronales contribue en effet à interroger notre compréhension de l'histoire des politiques de protection sociale, dans laquelle on sous-estime parfois l'importance des conflits pour fixer les frontières entre formes de protection publique et privée. D'autre part, ce travail présente une histoire inédite de l'action collective des patrons dans les régulations du travail au sens large. A travers les caisses de compensation, c'est en effet à réaliser une histoire de l'Union centrale des associations patronales suisses que je me suis aussi attelé. Faute de parvenir à empêcher tout développement des politiques sociales, les patrons ont fait en sorte d'acquérir sur ces politiques une forme de mainmise. Entre histoire des politiques sociales et histoire du patronat, ce travail tente d'expliquer comment les caisses de compensation y ont contribué. Who knows that, in Switzerland, employers' associations implement the best known policies constituting the welfare state? Who knows that the equalization funds, (Caisses de compensation / Ausgleichskassen), organized by employers' associations or by the Swiss Cantons, are responsible for pooling payroll deductions and for paying benefits of the Swiss public pay-as-you-go, old-age insurance and many other branches of the welfare policies? Who knows these caisses de compensation that channel the monies dedicated to the financing of the Welfare state ? The main objective of this research is to understand the reasons why Swiss employers do implement such welfare policies that they usually reject for political reasons. In order to solve this puzzle, this research investigates half of a century of the connected histories of welfare policies and employers' collective action. It also investigates, based on public and private archive records, how employers founded the first caisses in the Interwar period, and imposed them to organize the main developments of the Welfare state during the Second World War. The research also underlines how employers defended their caisses de compensation against those questioning the rationality of this fragmented system aiming to implement one single set of public welfare through one hundred competing private and public caisses de compensation. This research highlights two main results. On the one hand, it helps to improve our understanding of the history of the welfare policies in Switzerland. Underlining the role of the caisses de compensation helps to highlight the importance of the interplay of public and private actors regarding social polices. On the other hand, this research charts a pioneering history of Swiss' employers' collective action regarding labor issues. Because they could not prevent all public welfare policy, employers achieved a form of stranglehold (mainmise) on the welfare State. Halfway between social policy and employers' associations' history, this research try to reveal how their caisses de compensation helped them in this objective.

Political mobilisation and models of trade unionism : Southern Europe in comparative perspective

The relationship between union membership and political mobilization has been studied under many perspectives, but quantitative cross-national analyses have been hampered by the absence of international comparable survey data until the first round of the European Social Survey (ESS-2002) was made available. Using different national samples from this survey in four moments of time (2002, 2004 and 2006), our paper provides evidence of cross-country divergence in the empirical association between political mobilisation and trade union membership. Cross-national differences in union members’ political mobilization, we argue, can be explained by the existence of models of unionism that in turn differ with respect to two decisive factors: the institutionalisation of trade union activity and the opportunities left-wing parties have available for gaining access to executive power.

Politique et réseaux. Logiques de la mobilisation politique populaire dans une vallée alpine 1839-1900

Résumé: Depuis plusieurs années, le thème des réseaux sociaux est au centre de l'intérêt des études historiques. Est-il possible de formaliser l'analyse de réseaux sociaux spécifiques - parenté, clientèle, solidarités locales, etc. - afin d'en analyser l'influence sur des événements historiques et des individus précis ? L'étude présentée prend en considération les luttes souvent violentes entre radicaux et conservateurs dans le Val de Bagnes, en Valais (Suisse), entre 1839 et 1900. La comparaison entre les généalogies des familles de la vallée et les informations sur la vie politique et sociale nous permet de relever l'influence de la parenté dans l'organisation des factions politiques. Les réseaux de parenté sont toutefois ouverts et souples, permettant des adaptations aux évolutions de la situation politique, économique et sociale. L'affaire autour du faux-monnayeur italien Joseph S. Farinet, dans les années 1870, nous permet par exemple de suivre l'évolution des réseaux de solidarité, à la suite d'une crise politique, ainsi que l'émergence de nouvelles activités économiques, notamment le tourisme, avec les hôteliers, les aubergistes et les guides de montagne souvent liés au milieu radical. L'analyse permet également de nuancer l'influence des réseaux de patronage : les collaborations horizontales, à l'intérieur des classes populaires, semblent mieux expliquer les solidarités politiques. Abstract: For several years, historians have been closely concerned with the question of social networks. Is it possible to conceptualize specific networks - like kinship, patronage or local solidarities - and to analyze their influence on concrete individuals or historical events? This paper considers the violent struggles between a radical political faction and a conservative one in a Swiss alpine valley, the Val de Bagnes (Valais) between 1839 and 1900. It compares information about political and social conflicts in the valley with genealogies of local families. By this way the eminent influence of kinship ties on political organizations becomes visible. But kinship networks are open and very supple, allowing adaptations to new political and social configurations. The trials against the Italian smuggler and counterfeiter Joseph S. Farinet in the Seventies allow to describe the evolution of local cooperation networks as a consequence of a political crisis in the canton of Valais and of new economic activities. The paper stresses the active role of a emerging group of hotel- or inn-owners and mountain guides, often closely tied with the radical milieu. The analysis of social transactions raises critical questions about the role of patronage in political mobilization: horizontal cooperation and kinship ties between peasants, small cattle owners and artisans seem to explain political solidarities better than patronage structures.