990 resultados para Ministerial Activism. Fundamental Rights. Public Policies


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The research aims to analyze the reasons and the unique role of prosecutors in the promotion of public policies. The opening lines deal with the evolution and expansion of the general theory of the fundamental rights in the international and national levels and that have led to the creation of a welfare state concerned with carrying out positive actions which aim at the community well-being. Thus, it is clear that, after the uneven development of the Brazilian democracy, the Constitution of 1988 not only has erected to a state socially responsible, but also built a system of guarantees which highlights the significant expansion of the Powers of the Public Ministry and has now taken an outstanding position in regard to collective rights, allowing, at the same time, its members to perform the syndication of state actions, particularly public policies, correcting the course of these administrative processes in the presence of poor management and inactivity of the public administrator when acting in defense of fundamental rights. This ministerial activism, even facing the obstacles and boundaries submitted to its pursuit, has shown an increase in actions that culminated, in the last ten years, in a significant number of judicial and extrajudicial measures that indicated the correction of public policies and actions in areas of health, education, housing and the environment. In this process of monitoring and doing, the important role of the other social characters is highlighted, especially the one of the citizen who is responsible for most of the complaints that start the initiatives of the Public Ministry and that can be deployed through a significant list of judicial and extrajudicial instruments, especially the important procedure that allows the hearing and participation of the involved in the implementation of public policies, enabling a collective even a consensual solution of the matter generated among the Public Administration. Given these initiatives, the ministerial activism has established itself as a movement of its own characteristics, aimed to guarantee the fundamental rights, especially when these are not targeted by state actions that should contribute to the achievement of the democratic state of law idealized by the Federal Constitution without any distortion of direction. Nevertheless, this activism still seeks for its full accomplishment in the practical world

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En este nuevo libro de la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL) se analiza el fenómeno del envejecimiento desde la perspectiva demográfi ca, la garantía de derechos humanos en la vejez y las opciones de políticas públicas que los países de la región están poniendo en práctica en virtud de los acuerdos derivados de la primera y segunda Conferencia regional intergubernamental sobre envejecimiento en América Latina y el Caribe (2003 y 2007).

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This paper discusses the Court’s reasoning in interpreting the EU Charter, using recent case law on horizontal effect as a case study. It identifies two possible means of interpreting the provisions of the Charter: firstly, an approach based on common values (e.g. equality or solidarity) and, secondly, an approach based on access to the public sphere. It argues in favour of the latter. Whereas an approach based on common values is more consonant with the development of the case law so far, it is conceptually problematic: it involves subjective assessments of the importance and degree of ‘sharedness’ of the value in question, which can undermine the equal constitutional status of different Charter provisions. Furthermore, it marginalises the Charter’s overall politically constructional character, which distinguishes it from other sources of rights protection listed in Art 6 TEU. The paper argues that, as the Charter’s provisions concretise the notion of political status in the EU, they have a primarily constitutional, rather than ethical, basis. Interpreting the Charter based on the very commitment to a process of sharing, drawing on Hannah Arendt’s idea of the ‘right to have rights’ (a right to access a political community on equal terms), is therefore preferable. This approach retains the pluralistic, post-national fabric of the EU polity, as it accommodates multiple narratives about its underlying values, while also having an inclusionary impact on previously underrepresented groups (e.g. non-market-active citizens or the sans-papiers) by recognising their equal political disposition.

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Today, Temporary Labour Migration is a fundamental course of action promoted by relevant economic and political agents, such as EC, the GCIM, or the OECD. Based on a specific empirical case study of Temporary and Circular Labour Migration in the Catalonian agrarian sector, which has been distinguished as a particularly successful formula, we identify a new area of interest: the emergence of a new empirical migrant category, the Circular Labour Migrant, which remains theoretically unnamed and lacks public recognition. We argue that, until now, there have been two historical phases regarding temporary labour migration: one of total deregulation and another of partial regulation, led by private actors with support from public institutions, and featuring circularity. IN a developed Welfare State context, it would be normatively pertinent to except a step towards a third phase, one involving the institutionalization of this new mobility category through the elaboration of a public policy.

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The demographic shift underway in Southern Europe requires a revision of some of the fundamental principles of the traditional welfare state. We analyze the evolution of several aspects of welfare and social expenditure over the last two decades. We find that in the context of the present demographic changes and real estate boom current social and pension policy leads to a new distribution of benefits and burdens which is highly intergenerationally unequal. We argue for a revised definition of public policy based on Musgrave's proposition as a possible rule for an intergenerationally fair distribution.

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This paper reflects on the challenges facing the effective implementation of the new EU fundamental rights architecture that emerged from the Lisbon Treaty. Particular attention is paid to the role of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and its ability to function as a ‘fundamental rights tribunal’. The paper first analyses the praxis of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg and its long-standing experience in overseeing the practical implementation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Against this analysis, it then examines the readiness of the CJEU to live up to its consolidated and strengthened mandate on fundamental rights as one of the prime guarantors of the effective implementation of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. We specifically review the role of ‘third-party interventions’ by non-governmental organisations, international and regional human rights actors as well as ‘interim relief measures’ when ensuring effective judicial protection of vulnerable individuals in cases of alleged violations of fundamental human rights. To flesh out our arguments, we rely on examples within the scope of the relatively new and complex domain of EU legislation, the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ), and its immigration, external border and asylum policies. In view of the fundamental rights-sensitive nature of these domains, which often encounter shifts of accountability and responsibility in their practical application, and the Lisbon Treaty’s expansion of the jurisdiction of the CJEU to interpret and review EU AFSJ legislation, this area can be seen as an excellent test case for the analyses at hand. The final section puts forth a set of policy suggestions that can assist the CJEU in the process of adjusting itself to the new fundamental rights context in a post-Lisbon Treaty setting.

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Electrical energy today is an essential element in the life of any human being. Through the access to electrical energy it is possible to enjoy dignified conditions of life, having in mind the possibility of making use of minimal material conditions of life. The lack of access to electricity is directly linked to poverty and degrading conditions of life, in which are some communities in Brazil, especially the more isolated from urban centers. Access to the electric service is a determining factor for the preservation of human dignity, constitutional principle inscribe in the art.1 of the Federal Constitution, and the promotion of development, being a right of everyone and a duty of the State to promote universal access. For that reason, focuses mainly on the analysis of their setting as a fundamental social right and its importance for national development. For this, the theoretical and descriptive method was used, with normative and literary analysis, in particular the Constitution of 1988. This study also discusses the form of action of the State in the energy sector, to give effect to the fundamental social right of access to electricity, the characteristics of public service and the principles that guide it, in addition to the role of public policies in universalization of access, in particular the analysis of the Program Luz para Todos, and the function of regulation in the implementation of these policies and the provision of adequate public services.

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

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Comunicação apresentada na "European Sociological Association Conference" em Lisboa de 2 a 5 de Setembro de 2009.

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Comunicação apresentada na 18th Conference International of Health Promotion Hospitals & Health Services "Tackling causes and consequences of inequalities in health: contributions of health services and the HPH network", em Manchester de 14-16 de april de 2010

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This paper develops a comprehensive framework for the quantitative analysis of the private and fiscal returns to schooling and of the effect of public policies on private incentives to invest in education. This framework is applied to 14 member states of the European Union. For each of these countries, we construct estimates of the private return to an additional year of schooling for an individual of average attainment, taking into account the effects of education on wages and employment probabilities after allowing for academic failure rates, the direct and opportunity costs of schooling, and the impact of personal taxes, social security contributions and unemployment and pension benefits on net incomes. We also construct a set of effective tax and subsidy rates that measure the effects of different public policies on the private returns to education, and measures of the fiscal returns to schooling that capture the long-term effects of a marginal increase in attainment on public finances under c

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This paper develops a comprehensive framework for the quantitative analysis of the private and fiscal returns to schooling and of the effect of public policies on private incentives to invest in education. This framework is applied to 14 member states of the European Union. For each of these countries, we construct estimates of the private return to an additional year of schooling for an individual of average attainment, taking into account the effects of education on wages and employment probabilities after allowing for academic failure rates, the direct and opportunity costs of schooling, and the impact of personal taxes, social security contributions and unemployment and pension benefits on net incomes. We also construct a set of effective tax and subsidy rates that measure the effects of different public policies on the private returns to education, and measures of the fiscal returns to schooling that capture the long-term effects of a marginal increase in attainment on public finances under conditions that approximate general equilibrium.