786 resultados para Mattila, Mikko: Policy making in Finnish social and health care


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Tässä tutkimuksessa tarkasteltiin ikäihmisten kotona asumista sosiaali- ja terveydenhuollon yhteistyön näkökulmasta. Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena oli lisätä ymmärrystä iäkkäiden kotihoidon asiakkaiden voimavaroista arjesta selviytymisen näkökulmasta, ja tutkia miten asiakkaiden hoito sosiaali- ja terveydenhuollon yhteistyönä toteutuu. Tutkimus oli poikkileikkaustutkimus, jossa sovellettiin kuvailevaa ja vertailevaa tutkimusasetelmaa. Tutkimusaineisto kerättiin yhden länsisuomalaisen kunnan kotihoidon asiakkailta (≥65 v.) ja heitä hoitavilta ammattihenkilöiltä. Kotihoidon 21 iäkästä asiakasta kuvasivat omia voimavarojaan arjesta selviytymisen näkökulmasta sekä kokemuksiaan hoidon toteutumisesta ammattihenkilöiden yhteistyönä. Aineisto kerättiin avoimella haastattelulla ja analysoitiin sisällön analyysillä. Lisäksi 25 kotihoidon ammattihenkilöä: 13 kotipalvelun työntekijää, 11 kotisairaanhoitajaa ja lääkäri kuvasivat kokemuksiaan iäkkään asiakkaan hoidon toteutumisesta ammattihenkilöiden yhteistyönä. Aineisto kerättiin fokusryhmähaastattelulla ja analysoitiin sisällön analyysillä. Näiden tulosten sekä aikaisemman kirjallisuuden perusteella laadittiin strukturoitu kyselylomake, jolla analysoitiin ja vertailtiin asiakkaiden ja ammattihenkilöiden näkemyksiä siitä, miten asiakkaiden hoito sosiaali- ja terveydenhuollon yhteistyönä toteutui. Esitestausten jälkeen kyselylomake lähetettiin 200 kotihoidon asiakkaalle ja 570 heitä hoitavalle kotihoidon työntekijälle: 485 kotipalvelun työntekijälle, 81 kotisairaanhoitajalle ja 4 lääkärille. Kyselyyn vastasi 120 asiakasta (60 %) ja 370 ammattihenkilöä (65 %). Ryhmien välisten erojen tarkastelussa käytettiin ristiintaulukointia, Pearsonin khin neliötestiä ja Fisherin tarkan todennäköisyyden testiä. Iäkkäiden asiakkaiden kuvauksissa voimavarat muodostuivat elämänhallinnan tunteesta ja toimintatahdon säilymisestä. Asiakkaat ammensivat arkeen voimaa harrastuksista ja sosiaalisesta verkostosta, mutta ulkopuolisten asettamat elämisen ehdot, terveydentilan heikkeneminen sekä yksinäisyys asettivat ikäihmisen ja hänen voimavaransa suurten haasteiden eteen. Tulokset osoittivat, että ammattihenkilöiden toiminta oli osittain ristiriidassa ikäihmisten omien odotusten kanssa, eikä se kaikilta osin tukenut asiakkaiden omia voimavaroja. Ammattihenkilöt tekivät hoitoon liittyviä päätöksiä ja toimintoja asiakkaiden puolesta, vaikka asiakkaille itselleen oli tärkeää elämänhallinnan tunne ja toimintatahdon säilyminen. Asiakkaiden voimavarojen tukemista moniammatillisena yhteistyönä vaikeuttivat ammattihenkilöiden vaikeus tunnistaa asiakkaiden omia voimavaroja sekä niitä uhkaavia tekijöitä, tiedon kulun ongelmat, tavoitteeton ja epäyhtenäinen tapa toimia sekä ammattihenkilöiden vastakkain asettuvat näkemyserot ja toimintatavat. Asiakkaiden ja ammattihenkilöiden näkemykset toteutetusta hoidosta erosivat toisistaan tilastollisesti merkitsevästi (p<0.05). Asiakkaat arvioivat sekä itsenäiseen toimintaan tukemisen että fyysisen, psyykkisen ja sosiaalisen tuen toteutuneen työntekijöitä huonommin. Yhteistyön kehittämishaasteita kotihoidossa ovat asiakkaan oman elämänsä asiantuntijuuden vahvistaminen, toimintakulttuurin muuttaminen asiakaslähtöiseksi tavoitteelliseksi toiminnaksi, ammattihenkilöiden roolien ja vastuun selkiyttäminen sekä tiedon kulun menetelmien kehittäminen. Tutkimus vahvistaa gerontologisen hoitotieteen tietoperustaa ja tuottaa uutta tietoa, jota voidaan soveltaa sosiaali- ja terveysalan koulutuksessa ja johtamisessa

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In this paper we explore some important disputes and problems surrounding the legal status and social purpose of Health

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This report compares policy learning processes in 11 European countries. Based on the country reports that were produced by the national teams of the INSPIRES project, this paper develops an argument that connects problem pressure and politicization to learning in different labor market innovations. In short, we argue that learning efforts are most likely to impact on policy change if there is a certain problem pressure that clearly necessitates political action. On the other hand, if problem pressure is very low, or so high that governments need to react immediately, chances are low that learning impacts on policy change. The second part of our argument contends that learning impacts on policy change especially if a problem is not very politicized, i.e. there are no main conflicts concerning a reform, because then, solutions are wound up in the search for a compromise. Our results confirm our first hypothesis regarding the connection between problem pressure and policy learning. Governments learn indeed up to a certain degree of problem pressure. However, once political action becomes really urgent, i.e. in anti-crisis policies, there is no time and room for learning. On the other hand, learning occurred independently from the politicization of problem. In fact, in countries that have a consensual political system, learning occurred before the decision on a reform, whereas in majoritarian systems, learning happened after the adoption of a policy during the process of implementation.

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Through a case-study analysis of Ontario's ethanol policy, this thesis addresses a number of themes that are consequential to policy and policy-making: spatiality, democracy and uncertainty. First, I address the 'spatial debate' in Geography pertaining to the relevance and affordances of a 'scalar' versus a 'flat' ontoepistemology. I argue that policy is guided by prior arrangements, but is by no means inevitable or predetermined. As such, scale and network are pragmatic geographical concepts that can effectively address the issue of the spatiality of policy and policy-making. Second, I discuss the democratic nature of policy-making in Ontario through an examination of the spaces of engagement that facilitate deliberative democracy. I analyze to what extent these spaces fit into Ontario's environmental policy-making process, and to what extent they were used by various stakeholders. Last, I take seriously the fact that uncertainty and unavoidable injustice are central to policy, and examine the ways in which this uncertainty shaped the specifics of Ontario's ethanol policy. Ultimately, this thesis is an exercise in understanding sub-national environmental policy-making in Canada, with an emphasis on how policy-makers tackle the issues they are faced with in the context of environmental change, political-economic integration, local priorities, individual goals, and irreducible uncertainty.

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This paper analyses the effects of policy making for air pollution abatement in Spain between 2000 and 2020 under an integrated assessment approach with the AERIS model for number of pollutants (NOx/NO2, PM10/PM2.5, O3, SO2, NH3 and VOC). The analysis of the effects of air pollution focused on different aspects: compliance with the European limit values of Directive 2008/50/EC for NO2 and PM10 for the Spanish air quality management areas; the evaluation of impacts caused by the deposition of atmospheric sulphur and nitrogen on ecosystems; the exceedance of critical levels of NO2 and SO2 in forest areas; the analysis of O3-induced crop damage for grapes, maize, potato, rice, tobacco, tomato, watermelon and wheat; health impacts caused by human exposure to O3 and PM2.5; and costs on society due to crop losses (O3), disability-related absence of work staff and damage to buildings and public property due to soot-related soiling (PM2.5). In general, air quality policy making has delivered improvements in air quality levels throughout Spain and has mitigated the severity of the impacts on ecosystems, health and vegetation in 2020 as target year. The findings of this work constitute an appropriate diagnosis for identifying improvement potentials for further mitigation for policy makers and stakeholders in Spain.

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This paper focuses on the key features of EU social policy and the way it has been interpreted and seeks to identify new directions for study. EU social policy is considered along two main dimensions: its content and hallmark features and the main approaches to conceptualizing and theorizing it. Rather than the classic negative depiction of EU social policy, this piece suggests that it is more significant than usually allowed, not least because the empirical and theoretical lenses which have been applied to it were developed for other purposes. The implication is that developments in EU social policy are often overlooked, not least in how the EU has carved out a role for itself by constantly framing and reframing discourses relevant to social policy and social problems in an attempt to both influence how social actors at all levels of governance approach policy and secure their acceptance of its role in social policy. Therefore analyzing EU social policy outside of the traditional frames reveals interesting and significant developments especially around innovation in social policy and the attempt to legitimate the EU as a social policy actor.

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Among many other problems, the migration, humanitarian and policy crises in the European Union in 2015 and early 2016 have highlighted a pressing need for reliable, timely and comparable statistical data on migration, asylum and arrivals at national borders. In this fast-moving policy field, data production and the timeliness of dissemination have seen some improvements but the sources of data remain largely unchanged at national level. In this paper the author examines the reasons for some of the problems with the data for policy and for public discussion, and makes a set of recommendations that call for a complete and updated inventory of data sources and for an evaluation of the quality of data used for policy-making.

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In recent years, English welfare and health policy has started to include pregnancy within the foundation stage of child development. The foetus is also increasingly designated as ‘at risk’ from pregnant women. In this article, we draw on an analysis of a purposive sample of English social and welfare policies and closely related advocacy documents to trace the emergence of neuroscientific claims-making in relation to the family. In this article, we show that a specific deterministic understanding of the developing brain that only has a loose relationship with current scientific evidence is an important component in these changes. We examine the ways in which pregnancy is situated in these debates. In these debates, maternal stress is identified as a risk to the foetus; however, the selective concern with women living in disadvantage undermines biological claims. The policy claim of neurological ‘critical windows’ also seems to be influenced by social concerns. Hence, these emerging concerns over the foetus’ developing brain seem to be situated within the gendered history of policing women’s pregnant bodies rather than acting on new insights from scientific discoveries. By situating these developments within the broader framework of risk consciousness, we can link these changes to wider understandings of the ‘at risk’ child and intensified surveillance over family life.

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Over the past fifteen years, an interconnected set of regulatory reforms, knownas Better Regulation, has been adopted across Europe, marking a significant shift in theway that European Union policies are developed. There has been little exploration of the origins of these reforms, which include mandatory ex ante impact assessment. Drawing on documentary and interview data, this article discusses how and why large corporations, notably British American Tobacco (BAT), worked to influence and promote these reforms. Our analysis highlights (1) howpolicy entrepreneurs with sufficient resources (such as large corporations) can shape the membership and direction of advocacy coalitions; (2) the extent to which "think tanks" may be prepared to lobby on behalf of commercial clients; and (3) why regulated industries (including tobacco) may favor the use of "evidence tools," such as impact assessments, in policy making. We argue that a key aspect of BAT's ability to shape regulatory reform involved the deliberate construction of a vaguely defined idea that could be strategically adapted to appeal to diverse constituencies.We discuss the theoretical implications of this finding for the Advocacy Coalition Framework, as well as the practical implications of the findings for efforts to promote transparency and public health in the European Union.

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This thesis examines the influence of non-state actors on Polish-German relations by considering foreign policy-making towards Poland in Germany and vice versa. The approach chosen for this thesis is interdisciplinary and takes into consideration literature from domestic politics (Area Studies), Foreign Policy Analysis and International Relations (IR). The thesis argues that IR, by purely looking into the quality of inter-state relations, too often treats these relations as a result of policies emanating from the relevant governments, without considering the policies’ background. Therefore, the thesis argues that it is necessary to engage with the domestic factors which might explain where foreign policies come from. It points out that non-state actors influence governments’ choices by supplying resources, and by cooperating or competing with the government on an issue at stake. In order to determine the degree of influence that non-state actors can have on foreign policymaking two variables are examined: the institutionalisation of the state relations in question; and the domestic structures of the relevant states. Specifically, the thesis examines the institutionalisation of Polish-German relations, and examines Germany’s and Poland’s domestic structures and their effect on the two states’ foreign policy-making in general. Thereafter, the thesis uses case studies in order to unravel the influence of non-state actors on specific foreign policies. Three case studies are examined in detail: (i) Poland’s EU accession negotiations with regard to the free movement of capital chapter of the acquis communautaire; (ii) Germany’s EU 2004 Eastern Enlargement negotiations with regard to the free movement of workers chapter of the acquis communautaire; and (iii) Germany’s decision to establsh a permanent exhibition in Berlin that will depict the expulsions of millions of Germans from the East following WWII.

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This article presents a formal model of policy decision-making in an institutional framework of separation of powers in which the main actors are pivotal political parties with voting discipline. The basic model previously developed from pivotal politics theory for the analysis of the United States lawmaking is here modified to account for policy outcomes and institutional performances in other presidential regimes, especially in Latin America. Legislators' party indiscipline at voting and multi-partism appear as favorable conditions to reduce the size of the equilibrium set containing collectively inefficient outcomes, while a two-party system with strong party discipline is most prone to produce 'gridlock', that is, stability of socially inefficient policies. The article provides a framework for analysis which can induce significant revisions of empirical data, especially regarding the effects of situations of (newly defined) unified and divided government, different decision rules, the number of parties and their discipline. These implications should be testable and may inspire future analytical and empirical work.