18 resultados para Marginalizing
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Recent efforts to implement gender mainstreaming in the field of security sector reform have resulted in an international policy discourse on gender and security sector reform (GSSR). Critics have challenged GSSR for its focus on 'adding women' and its failure to be transformative. This article contests this assessment, demonstrating that GSSR is not only about 'adding women', but also, importantly, about 'gendering men differently' and has important albeit problematic transformative implications. Drawing on poststructuralist and postcolonial feminist theory, I propose a critical reading of GSSR policy discourse in order to analyse its built-in logics, tensions and implications. I argue that this discourse establishes a powerful 'grid of intelligibility' that draws on gendered and racialized dualisms to normalize certain forms of subjectivity while rendering invisible and marginalizing others, and contributing to reproduce certain forms of normativity and hierarchy. Revealing such processes of discursive in/exclusion and marginalized subjectivities can serve as a starting point to challenge and transform GSSR practice and identify sites of contestation.
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Implementering av ett informationssystem ur en organisatorisk synvinkel initieras av en idé om ett system och avslutas då användningen av det inte längre kräver en medveten ansträngning. Ifall tolkningen av implementering är denna, är det fråga om en långsam och komplicerad process, som berör organisationens alla parter. Ny informationsteknologi anses påverka flertalet arbetsprocesser och organiseringen av det dagliga arbetet. Möjligheterna att ta i bruk systemet och utnyttja det är många. I avhandlingen undersöks implementering av ett system för att administrera hemvårdsbesök där hemvårdare använde handdatorer för att registrera information om besökens längd och innehåll. I avhandlingen observeras vilka förändringar som sker i arbetets praxis p.g.a. det nya systemet och hur dessa förändringar påverkar vårdarbetet. Forskningen inleds med att strukturera teorier om arbetspraxis för kommande analys. Arbetspraxis är inarbetade och rutinmässiga arbetssätt i arbetets sociomateriella omgivning. Arbetspraxis i avhandlingen innebär hemvårdarens praxis och upplevd erfarenhet, där verksamheten informeras av gemensamma arbetssätt, projekt, identiteter och intressen. Organisationens auktoritet kommer även fram i den förverkligade arbetspraxisen. Forskningen genomfördes som en etnografisk longitudinell studie under åren 2001-2004. I studien observerades hur nyttjandet av handdatorerna framskred ur ett organisatoriskt perspektiv. Hemvårdares arbete och verksamhet (arbetspraxis) observerades både under vårdsbesök och under pauser. Därtill intervjuades hemvårdarna för att erhålla en bättre förståelse för de rationaliteter som styr arbetet och hur systemet togs i bruk. Dokument relaterade till projektet att införa ett nytt system och administrativa dokument har utnyttjats som källmaterial. Analysen av källmaterialet styrdes av det teoretiska tillvägagångssättet att undersöka arbetspraxis. Problem som identifierades i samband med införandet av systemet och de förändringar som det medförde analyserades i detalj. Parallellt analyserades organisatorisk makt, kontroll och arbetsidentitet. Undersökningen beskriver hur det nya systemet gradvis anpassades till hemvården efter ett initialt motstånd. Under själva implementering av systemet ifrågasattes tidigare arbetspraxis och inställningen till den eftersom arbetspraxisens materiella omgivning förändrades. Det teoretiska tillvägagångssättet i att undersöka arbetspraxis framhäver vårdarens agerande i förändringsprocessen. Resultatet av forskningen visar vikten av realistiska målsättningar, givande av gruppstöd med återkoppling samt förmåga att anpassa sig till det oväntade vid införande av informationssystem.
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The topic of this thesis is marginaVminority popular music and the question of identity; the term "marginaVminority" specifically refers to members of racial and cultural minorities who are socially and politically marginalized. The thesis argument is that popular music produced by members of cultural and racial minorities establishes cultural identity and resists racist discourse. Three marginaVminority popular music artists and their songs have been chosen for analysis in support of the argument: Gil Scott-Heron's "Gun," Tracy Chapman's "Fast Car" and Robbie Robertson's "Sacrifice." The thesis will draw from two fields of study; popular music and postcolonialism. Within the area of popular music, Theodor Adorno's "Standardization" theory is the focus. Within the area of postcolonialism, this thesis concentrates on two specific topics; 1) Stuart Hall's and Homi Bhabha's overlapping perspectives that identity is a process of cultural signification, and 2) Homi Bhabha's concept of the "Third Space." For Bhabha (1995a), the Third Space defines cultures in the moment of their use, at the moment of their exchange. The idea of identities arising out of cultural struggle suggests that identity is a process as opposed to a fixed center, an enclosed totality. Cultures arise from historical memory and memory has no center. Historical memory is de-centered and thus cultures are also de-centered, they are not enclosed totalities. This is what Bhabha means by "hybridity" of culture - that cultures are not unitary totalities, they are ways of knowing and speaking about a reality that is in constant flux. In this regard, the language of "Otherness" depends on suppressing or marginalizing the productive capacity of culture in the act of enunciation. The Third Space represents a strategy of enunciation that disrupts, interrupts and dislocates the dominant discursive construction of US and THEM, (a construction explained by Hall's concept of binary oppositions, detailed in Chapter 2). Bhabha uses the term "enunciation" as a linguistic metaphor for how cultural differences are articulated through discourse and thus how differences are discursively produced. Like Hall, Bhabha views culture as a process of understanding and of signification because Bhabha sees traditional cultures' struggle against colonizing cultures as transforming them. Adorno's theory of Standardization will be understood as a theoretical position of Western authority. The thesis will argue that Adorno's theory rests on the assumption that there is an "essence" to music, an essence that Adorno rationalizes as structure/form. The thesis will demonstrate that constructing music as possessing an essence is connected to ideology and power and in this regard, Adorno's Standardization theory is a discourse of White Western power. It will be argued that "essentialism" is at the root of Western "rationalization" of music, and that the definition of what constitutes music is an extension of Western racist "discourses" of the Other. The methodological framework of the thesis entails a) applying semiotics to each of the three songs examined and b) also applying Bhabha's model of the Third Space to each of the songs. In this thesis, semiotics specifically refers to Stuart Hall's retheorized semiotics, which recognizes the dual function of semiotics in the analysis of marginal racial/cultural identities, i.e., simultaneously represent embedded racial/cultural stereotypes, and the marginal raciaVcultural first person voice that disavows and thus reinscribes stereotyped identities. (Here, and throughout this thesis, "first person voice" is used not to denote the voice of the songwriter, but rather the collective voice of a marginal racial/cultural group). This dual function fits with Hall's and Bhabha's idea that cultural identity emerges out of cultural antagonism, cultural struggle. Bhabha's Third Space is also applied to each of the songs to show that cultural "struggle" between colonizers and colonized produces cultural hybridities, musically expressed as fusions of styles/sounds. The purpose of combining semiotics and postcolonialism in the three songs to be analyzed is to show that marginal popular music, produced by members of cultural and racial minorities, establishes cultural identity and resists racist discourse by overwriting identities of racial/cultural stereotypes with identities shaped by the first person voice enunciated in the Third Space, to produce identities of cultural hybridities. Semiotic codes of embedded "Black" and "Indian" stereotypes in each song's musical and lyrical text will be read and shown to be overwritten by the semiotic codes of the first person voice, which are decoded with the aid of postcolonial concepts such as "ambivalence," "hybridity" and "enunciation."
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Cette recherche sur les barrières à l’accès pour les pauvres atteints de maladies chroniques en Inde a trois objectifs : 1) évaluer si les buts, les objectifs, les instruments et la population visée, tels qu'ils sont formulés dans les politiques nationales actuelles de santé en Inde, permettent de répondre aux principales barrières à l’accès pour les pauvres atteints de maladies chroniques; 2) évaluer les types de leviers et les instruments identifiés par les politiques nationales de santé en Inde pour éliminer ces barrières à l’accès; 3) et évaluer si ces politiques se sont améliorées avec le temps à l’égard de l’offre de soins à la population pour les maladies chroniques et plus spécifiquement chez les pauvres. En utilisant le Framework Approach de Ritchie et Spencer (1993), une analyse qualitative de contenu a été complétée avec des politiques nationales de santé indiennes. Pour commencer, un cadre conceptuel sur les barrières à l’accès aux soins pour les pauvres atteints de maladies chroniques en Inde a été créé à partir d’une revue de la littérature scientifique. Par la suite, les politiques ont été échantillonnées en Inde en 2009. Un cadre thématique et un index ont été générés afin de construire les outils d’analyse et codifier le contenu. Finalement, les analyses ont été effectuées en utilisant cet index, en plus de chartes, de maps, d'une grille de questions et d'études de cas. L’analyse a tété effectuée en comparant les barrières à l’accès qui avaient été originalement identifiées dans le cadre thématique avec celles identifiées par l’analyse de contenu de chaque politique. Cette recherche met en évidence que les politiques nationales de santé indiennes s’attaquent à un certain nombre de barrières à l’accès pour les pauvres, notamment en ce qui a trait à l’amélioration des services de santé dans le secteur public, l’amélioration des connaissances de la population et l’augmentation de certaines interventions sur les maladies chroniques. D’un autre côté, les barrières à l’accès reliées aux coûts du traitement des maladies chroniques, le fait que les soins de santé primaires ne soient pas abordables pour beaucoup d’individus et la capacité des gens de payer sont, parmi les barrières à l'accès identifiées dans le cadre thématique, celles qui ont reçu le moins d’attention. De plus, lorsque l’on observe le temps de formulation de chaque politique, il semble que les efforts pour augmenter les interventions et l’offre de soins pour les maladies chroniques physiques soient plus récents. De plus, les pauvres ne sont pas ciblés par les actions reliées aux maladies chroniques. Le risque de les marginaliser davantage est important avec la transition économique, démographique et épidémiologique qui transforme actuellement le pays et la demande des services de santé.
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This paper takes as its starting point recent work on caring for distant others which is one expression of renewed interest in moral geographies. It examines relationships in aid chains connecting donors/carers in the First World or North and recipients/cared for in the Third World or South. Assuming predominance of relationships between strangers and of universalism as a basis for moral motivation I draw upon Gift Theory in order to characterize two basic forms of gift relationship. The first is purely altruistic, the other fully reciprocal and obligatory within the framework of institutions, values and social forces within specific relationships of politics and power. This conception problematizes donor-recipient relationships in the context of two modernist models of aid chains-the Resource Transfer and the Beyond Aid Paradigms. In the first, donor domination means low levels of reciprocity despite rhetoric about partnership and participation. The second identifies potential for greater reciprocity on the basis of combination between social movements and non-governmental organizations at both national and trans-national levels, although at the risk of marginalizing competencies of states. Finally, I evaluate post-structural critiques which also problematize aid chain relationships. They do so both in terms of bases-such as universals and difference-upon which it might be constructed and the means-such as forms of positionality and mutuality-by which it might be achieved.
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Most active-contour methods are based either on maximizing the image contrast under the contour or on minimizing the sum of squared distances between contour and image 'features'. The Marginalized Likelihood Ratio (MLR) contour model uses a contrast-based measure of goodness-of-fit for the contour and thus falls into the first class. The point of departure from previous models consists in marginalizing this contrast measure over unmodelled shape variations. The MLR model naturally leads to the EM Contour algorithm, in which pose optimization is carried out by iterated least-squares, as in feature-based contour methods. The difference with respect to other feature-based algorithms is that the EM Contour algorithm minimizes squared distances from Bayes least-squares (marginalized) estimates of contour locations, rather than from 'strongest features' in the neighborhood of the contour. Within the framework of the MLR model, alternatives to the EM algorithm can also be derived: one of these alternatives is the empirical-information method. Tracking experiments demonstrate the robustness of pose estimates given by the MLR model, and support the theoretical expectation that the EM Contour algorithm is more robust than either feature-based methods or the empirical-information method. (c) 2005 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
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Este trabalho contempla o descasamento entre a extraordinária expansão do campo do gestão estratégica (GE) e as crescentes críticas à incapacidade de lidar com as crises da globalização neoliberal. A análise crítica mostra como a universalização do americanismo é acompanhada pela universalização do management e do strategic management. Em seguida, explora como os discursos neoliberais de mercado e não-mercado reproduzem discursos simplistas que contribuem para a legitimação da atuação das corporações em escala global. Por fim, é tratada a preferência pela grande corporação moderna, por meio da marginalização de outros formatos organizacionais de grande relevância principalmente para economias emergentes. O framework integrativo resultante é então aplicado a uma seleção de artigos científicos de GE que permitiu a identificação de cinco temas: geopolítica do conhecimento, empiricismo cientificista, concepções simplificadas de mercado e instituições, governança corporativa e capitalismo. A exploração da conexão entre o conhecimento em GE e o ordenamento econômico e geopolítico do neoliberalismo mostra como o campo pode ter relevância para a sociedade, além de promover a aproximação do mainstream com as perspectivas críticas.
Resumo:
By the end of the 21st Century, economy globalization trends to show a velocity process through which market being expanded characterized by an intense going on of the internationalization of finance, after that marginalizing the periphery of the social spaces. It is clear to see that this process occurred in those less developed countries happens in an accentuated way just because income distribution that is so regressive and also because the insufficient enclosing of the social programs, we find this situation in a big part of Brazilian cities. The marginalizing social economical process observed in Natal, a city located in the east coast part of Northeast region in Brazil and that owns a population upper to 778 thousand in habitants is nearly linked to the extension of goods and services commerce. The installation of new urban activities in the city pointed out tourist activity as the greater impulsive thing in the phenomenon promotion, most of them aiming to promote Natal to the national and international scenery. It privilege strongly in the South zone with economical implementations such as shopping s centers, supermarkets, and home buildings condominiums leading to a loss of functionality of some traditional district located in central areas of the city. Notwithstanding, some spaces, for instance Alecrim district officially created in 1911, has notably resisted to the expansion of the urban process pointed out in Natal in the last years. So that this put Alecrim District as a district with originally characteristics reaffirmed along the historical process form old times. The predominance of some residential characteristics such as the incidence of some villages and a concentration of a big and confuse popular commerce distributed along streets puts Alecrim District as a resistant space in Natal. The same way analyze Alecrim District under the prism of Historic Geography because we understand this way it accomplishes a fundamental role in the theoretical methodological development of our work, just when we analyze the time as a variant in our object of study. It is still inside this theoretical field that we carry out a brief reviewing about quarter/district definition, under the optic from several registered and scientific resources taken into account along this work, because we understand that it was necessary to think this important spatial unit especially to know exactly what we are referring to as a district and so we can reaffirm Alecrim as an important and traditional district to Natal and it has been resisting to spatial transformation verified in the last years in Natal city. To give support to our reflection we used methodological tools related to inhabitants lifestyles knowledge and also the study of Alecrim District as a space that promote a certain centrality in Natal as some indicators to keep original characteristics in the district in Natal
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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In my thesis, I incorporate both psychological research and personal narratives in order to explain why, in the aftermath of the Vietnam War, the United States officially recognized Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder while the Vietnamese government did not. The absence of Vietnamese studies on the impact of PTSD on veterans, in comparison to the abundance of research collected on American soldiers, is reflective not of a disparity in the actual prevalence of the disorder, but of the influence of political policy on the scope of Vietnamese psychology. Personal narratives from Vietnamese civilians and soldiers thus reveal accounts of trauma otherwise hidden due to the absence of Vietnamese psychological research. Although these two nations conspicuously differed in their respective responses to the prevalence of psychological trauma in war veterans, these responses demonstrated that both the recognition and rejection of PTSD was a result of sociopolitical factors: political ideologies, rather than scientific reasons, dictated whether the postwar trajectory of psychological research focused on fully exploring the impact of PTSD on veteran populations. The association of military defeat with psychological trauma thus fixed attention on certain groups of veterans, including former American and South Vietnamese soldiers, while ignoring the impact of trauma on veterans of the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese Army. The correlation of a soldier¿s ideological background with psychological trauma, rather than exposure to actual traumatic experiences, demonstrates that cultural and sociopolitical factors are far more influential in the construction of PTSD than objective indicators of the disorder¿s prevalence. Culturally-constructed responses to disorders such as PTSD therefore account for the subjective treatment of mental illness. The American and Vietnamese responses to veterans suffering from PTSD both demonstrated that the evidence of mental health problems in an individual does not guarantee an immediate or appropriate diagnosis and treatment regimen. External authorities whose primary aims are not necessarily concerned with the objective treatment of all victims of mental illness subjectively dictate mental health care policy, and therefore risk ignoring or marginalizing the needs of individuals in need of proper treatment.
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In many clinical trials to evaluate treatment efficacy, it is believed that there may exist latent treatment effectiveness lag times after which medical procedure or chemical compound would be in full effect. In this article, semiparametric regression models are proposed and studied to estimate the treatment effect accounting for such latent lag times. The new models take advantage of the invariance property of the additive hazards model in marginalizing over random effects, so parameters in the models are easy to be estimated and interpreted, while the flexibility without specifying baseline hazard function is kept. Monte Carlo simulation studies demonstrate the appropriateness of the proposed semiparametric estimation procedure. Data collected in the actual randomized clinical trial, which evaluates the effectiveness of biodegradable carmustine polymers for treatment of recurrent brain tumors, are analyzed.
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Through comparative analysis of the immigrant labor forces at work in iron mining in northern Minnesota, coal mining in Illinois, and steel milling in the Calumet region of Chicago and Gary, this paper addresses the forms of social distance separating and marginalizing new immigrants from American society and trade unionism that existed in 1914, the year that marked the end point of mass immigration from Eastern and Southern Europe. The “new immigration” was a labor migration that congregated its subjects overwhelmingly in what were called "unskilled" or "semi-skilled" forms of labor. Skilled work was largely, with certain variations, the preserve of "American" or old immigrant workers. This labor gulf separating new immigrants and American workers was hardened by a spatial separateness. New immigrants often lived in what have been called industrial villages—the mining town or location, the factory neighborhood— striking in their isolation and insularity from mainstream society. This separateness and insularity became a major preoccupation for corporate managers, Progressive reformers, and for American trade unions as new immigrants began to engage in major labor struggles leading up to 1914. But among the three industries, only the union of coal miners, the United Mine Workers, enjoyed success in organizing the new immigrants. In the steel mills and the iron mines, the unions were either rooted out or failed to gain a foothold at all. The explanation for these differences is to be found in the different forms of industrial development among the industries studied.
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In the Iron Range Strike of 1916, working-class wives picketed alongside their husbands in a conflict-ridden and dangerous setting. Mine deputies abused immigrant women on the picket lines and in their homes, with several disquieting reports receiving statewide attention in Minnesota. Many middle-class reformers in the Twin Cities grew sympathetic to the plight of northern mining families and became controversially involved the labor struggle. Some middleclass women worked alongside working-class wives and radical organizers from the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). At the center of this gendered analysis is the cross-class cooperation between an upper-middle class woman, Lenora Austin Hamlin, a radical reformer, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, and the story of a working-class housewife, Mikla Masonovich. This study will ask how authentic, prevalent, and unproblematic their stories of cross-class cohesive action actually were. In answering this, it will address and identify those factors that impeded women’s potential for unity. “Flash in the Pan” argues that as a result of both real and perceived differences, these networks of women remained isolated, inhibiting each from gaining sufficient power to work cohesively, and marginalizing their influence. Drawing upon a variety of sources, including media representations in newspapers, and archives of social, labor and women’s organizations, this regional study lends state-level insight into the larger gender-labor historiography.
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El trabajo tiene por objeto un intento de vigilancia epistemológica sobre la teoría de las Relaciones Internacionales como constitutiva de la realidad más que como explicativa de la misma y en ese sentido, como construcción de sentido que vela un claro predominio de determinados enfoques en detrimento de otros, o incluso marginándolos, que sustentan prácticas a través del cual se ejerce la dominación.