52 resultados para Mandeville
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Colbertinus
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Hume foi leitor de Mandeville e, dessa leitura, retirou a tarefa de mostrar que a sociabilidade é um berço legítimo e o único possível da moralidade. Pretende-se mostrar como essa tarefa se impôs a Hume a partir de sua leitura de Mandeville e o modo como ele a levou a cabo.
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Contient : « Le livre des parties d'Oultre mer, lequel fu fait, ordonné et compilé par honorable et vaillant seigneur Jehan de Mandeville... Escript (fol. 62) par moy, Ogier de Caumont, en la cité de Liege, et finy le penultieme jour de juillet l'an mil CCC IIIIxx??? et XVI. » Cf. R. Röhricht, Bibliotheca geographica Palestinae, p. 79 ; On lit : « Hunc librum acquisivit monasterio Sancti Victoris prope Parisius frater Johannes Lamasse, dum esset prior ejusdem ecclesie. Scriptum anno Domini 1424 » ; Prière à la Vierge ; « Dit de la rose », pièce en l'honneur de la Vierge ; Les peines de l'enfer ; « Scriptum quoddam super degradatione et combustione quorumdam fratrum ordinis Predicatorum, qui... opinionem suam ab ecclesia damnata de conceptione purissime Virginis matris Domini Jhesu deffendere nitebantur... Actum anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo nono. » Cf. Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, t. VI, p. 45 ; Pater Noster et Ave Maria, en vers ; Vers sur le plaisir de boire. « Ad primum morsum, nisi potavero mort sum... » (15 vers) ; « Statutum sacre facultatis Theologie studii Parisiensis super materia conceptionis immaculate gloriosissime Virginis... » (1497) ; Paraphrase, en vers français, de l'Ave maris stella ; « Clericus sic ethimologizatur : Per c intelligitur quod sit clarus... » ; « Almalarius (sic), qui loquitur de duobus ebdomadis passionis Christi. Due ebdomade passionis Christi significant duo tempora ante legem et sub lege... » ; Explications, en latin, du Pater et du Credo. « Elegit Dominus Deus noster Jhesus Christus septem apostolos... » ; « Tabula fidei christiane. Septem virtutes principales : fides, spes... » ; Notes de comput. « Ad habendum ciclum solarem, secundum Gallandum, sive litteram dominicalem... » ; Prière à la Vierge ; « La deputaison » ou « le mireur du corps et de l'ame. Une grant vision est en ce livre escripte... » ; Prières à la Vierge ; I ; II ; III ; Note relative à « Jehan Le Mire, jadis trésorier des guerres » (1339) ; La maison de sapience ; Poème moral sur la mort du Christ ; Vers latins, en l'honneur de S. Jean-Baptiste ; « Missa pro evitanda mortalitate, quam dominus papa Clemens sextus constituit et fecit... » ; « Le Testament maistre Jehan de Meun. » Cf. Histoire littéraire, t. XXVIII (1880), p. 416 (art. de P. Paris) ; Roman de Fauvel, par Gervais Du Bus. Cf. Histoire littéraire, t. XXXII (1898), p. 108 (art. de M. G. Paris) ; Vers latins contre les femmes ; Autre pièce contre les femmes ; Autre pièce sur les femmes. « Se j'avoye une fame qui ne me mentist point... » ; Prière. « Doulx Diex, qui es sans fin et sans initium... » ; « Les heures de la Croiz [en vers], ausquellez le pape Jehan XXII donna i an ex xl jours de vray pardon à quelconque persone, qui par devocion dira ceste office du mistère de la Passion Jhesu Crist » ; Prière à la Vierge
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Effects of the conflict between reason and passion in Bernard Mandeville’s moral, economic and political thought My PhD dissertation focuses on Bernard Mandeville (1670-1732), a Dutch philosopher who moved to London in his late twenties. The aspect of Mandeville’s thought I take into account in my research is the conflicting relation between reason and passions, and the consequences that Mandeville’s view of this conflict has in the development of his theory of human nature which, I argue, is what grounds his moral, economic and, above all, political theory. According to Mandeville, reason is fundamentally weak. Passions influence with more strength human actions, and, eventually, are the ones which motivate them. The role of reason is merely instrumental, restricted to finding appropriate means in order to reach the desired ends, which are capricious and inconstant, since they all come from unstable passions. Reason cannot take decisions meant to act in the long term, pursuing an object which has not a selfish and temporary nature. There is no possibility, thus, that men’s actions aim just to achieve a good and just society, without their interests being directly involved. The basically selfish root of every desire leads Mandeville to claim that there is neither benevolence nor altruism which guides human behaviour. Hence he expresses a judgement on the moral character of human beings, always busy with their self-satisfaction, and hardly ever considering what would be good on a wider perspective, including other people’s sake. The anthropological features ascribed to men by Mandeville, are those which lead him to prefer a political system where governors are not supposed to have particular abilities, either from an intellectual or from a moral point of view, and peace and order are preserved by the bureaucratic machine, which is meant to work with the least effort on the part of the politicians, and no big harm can be done even by corrupted or wicked governors. This system is adopted with an eye at remedying human deficiencies: Mandeville takes into primary account, when he thinks of how to build a peaceful and functioning society, that everyone is concerned with his selfish interest, and that the rationality of a single politician, or of a group of them belonging to a same generation, cannot find a good “solution” to govern men able to last over the long period, and to work in different ages. This implies a refusal of the Hobbesian theory of the pactum subjectionis, which has the character of a rational and definitive choice, and leads Mandeville to consider the order which arises spontaneously, without any plan or rational intervention.
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Questa ricerca propone una lettura comparata degli scritti di Bernard Mandeville. L'intento è di porre in relazione gli argomenti morali, etici e politici con le "gandi voci" dell'epoca: primi fra tutti Hobbes e Locke. L'impianto interpretativo è strutturato in modo da delineare il metodo adottato nelle riflessioni filosofiche mandevilliane e da qui, mantenendo una divisione di piani, rintracciare i concetti di riferimento sia dal punto di vista metafico sia da quello ontologico. Si ritiene, allora, che il metodo basato sull'uomorismo, come forma oggettivante del fenomeno – sociale e non – porti alla definizione della nozione di natura umana a partire da una conzione di natura in sé corrotta metafisicamente. Ciò trova nel paradigma di "naturalismo fisiologico" un riferimento da cui muovere l'analisi antropologica e morale degli uomini in società. Un'indagine che rintraccia nell'"etica del male minore" un modello con cui valutare le scelte e le azioni in ambito collettivo e pubblico. La lettura dei vari testi, allora, mostra come la politica sia influenzata da questo modello nello strutturare istituzioni che stimolino la produzione e l'incremento della ricchezza, seppur questo non sia alla portata di tutti. La sperequazione economica, allora, a fronte di un benessere collettivo elevato appare come un "male minore".
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Knowledge is a product of human social systems and, therefore, the foundations of the knowledge-based economy are social and cultural. Communication is central to knowledge creation and diffusion, and Public Policy in Knowledge-Based Economies highlights specific social and cultural conditions that can enhance the communication, use and creation of knowledge in a society.The purpose of this book is to illustrate how these social and cultural conditions are identified and analysed through new conceptual frameworks. Such frameworks are necessary to penetrate the surface features of knowledge-based economies - science and technology - and disclose what drives such economies.This book will provide policymakers, analysts and academics with the fundamental tools needed for the development of policy in this little understood and emerging area.
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This special issue presents an excellent opportunity to study applied epistemology in public policy. This is an important task because the arena of public policy is the social domain in which macro conditions for ‘knowledge work’ and ‘knowledge industries’ are defined and created. We argue that knowledge-related public policy has become overly concerned with creating the politico-economic parameters for the commodification of knowledge. Our policy scope is broader than that of Fuller (1988), who emphasizes the need for a social epistemology of science policy. We extend our focus to a range of policy documents that include communications, science, education and innovation policy (collectively called knowledge-related public policy in acknowledgement of the fact that there is no defined policy silo called ‘knowledge policy’), all of which are central to policy concerned with the ‘knowledge economy’ (Rooney and Mandeville, 1998). However, what we will show here is that, as Fuller (1995) argues, ‘knowledge societies’ are not industrial societies permeated by knowledge, but that knowledge societies are permeated by industrial values. Our analysis is informed by an autopoietic perspective. Methodologically, we approach it from a sociolinguistic position that acknowledges the centrality of language to human societies (Graham, 2000). Here, what we call ‘knowledge’ is posited as a social and cognitive relationship between persons operating on and within multiple social and non-social (or, crudely, ‘physical’) environments. Moreover, knowing, we argue, is a sociolinguistically constituted process. Further, we emphasize that the evaluative dimension of language is most salient for analysing contemporary policy discourses about the commercialization of epistemology (Graham, in press). Finally, we provide a discourse analysis of a sample of exemplary texts drawn from a 1.3 million-word corpus of knowledge-related public policy documents that we compiled from local, state, national and supranational legislatures throughout the industrialized world. Our analysis exemplifies a propensity in policy for resorting to technocratic, instrumentalist and anti-intellectual views of knowledge in policy. We argue that what underpins these patterns is a commodity-based conceptualization of knowledge, which is underpinned by an axiology of narrowly economic imperatives at odds with the very nature of knowledge. The commodity view of knowledge, therefore, is flawed in its ignorance of the social systemic properties of ��knowing’.