957 resultados para MILITARY EXPENDITURES


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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography

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A bipoláris világrendszer megszűnése a XX. század utolsó évtizedében új helyzetet teremtett a globális politikai és gazdasági viszonyokban, ugyanakkor nem mellékesen a hadiiparban is. A szerző, szem előtt tartva a hatalmi viszonyok jövőbeli elkerülhetetlen átrendeződését, elsősorban a katonai szektor előtt álló, a XXI. századra előrevetíthető kihívásokat, lehetőségeket, a szektor jövőbeli pályáját tekinti át. A hadiiparral kapcsolatban indokolt a hidegháború utáni világ fegyverkezési helyzetének, fegyveres erőinek számbavétele csakúgy, mint a releváns elméleti keretek ismertetése, továbbá a fontos globális szereplők biztonságpolitikájának vizsgálata. A katonai szektor jelenének és jövőjének alapos elemzése nem nélkülözheti a katonai kiadások jelenlegi – a világgazdasági válság által befolyásolt – és a következő évtizedekben várható alakulásának vizsgálatát. Végül, de nem utolsó sorban a szerző áttekinti a XXI. századi haditechnikai forradalom már most látható és a jövőben valószínűsíthető vívmányait, a fontosabb haditechnikai tendenciákat, illetve elemzi a nemzetközi fegyverpiac helyzetét. __________________ The end of the Cold War led to a new situation in global political and economic affairs, as well as in the military sector. The author, taking into consideration the inevitable future power shifts, provides an overview of the challenges, possibilities and future paths of the military sector. Relevant issues include assessing the arms and armed forces of the post-Cold War era, as well as the analysis of theoretical frameworks and the security policies of the important global actors. Understanding the present and the future of the military sector is not possible without the thorough analysis of military expenditures and their likely future trends. The author also overviews the outcomes of the 21st century revolution in military technology and analyses the global arms market.

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In 2009, South American military spending reached a total of $51.8 billion, a fifty percent increased from 2000 expenditures. The five-year moving average of arms transfers to South America was 150 percent higher from 2005 to 2009 than figures for 2000 to 2004.[1] These figures and others have led some observers to conclude that Latin America is engaged in an arms race. Other reasons, however, account for Latin America’s large military expenditure. Among them: Several countries have undertaken long-prolonged modernization efforts, recently made possible by six years of consistent regional growth.[2] A generational shift is at hand. Armed Forces are beginning to shed the stigma and association with past dictatorial regimes.[3] Countries are pursuing specific individual strategies, rather than reacting to purchases made by neighbors. For example, Brazil wants to attain greater control of its Amazon rainforests and offshore territories, Colombia’s spending demonstrates a response to internal threats, and Chile is continuing a modernization process begun in the 1990s.[4] Concerns remain, however: Venezuela continues to demonstrate poor democratic governance and a lack of transparency; neighbor-state relations between Colombia and Venezuela, Peru and Chile, and Bolivia and Paraguay, must all continue to be monitored; and Brazil’s military purchases, although legitimate, will likely result in a large accumulation of equipment.[5] These concerns can be best addressed by strengthening and garnering greater participation in transparent procurement mechanism.[6] The United States can do its part by supporting Latin American efforts to embrace the transparency process. _________________ [1] Bromley, Mark, “An Arms Race in Our Hemisphere? Discussing the Trends and Implications of Military Expenditures in South America,” Brookings Institution Conference, Washington, D.C., June 3rd, 2010, Transcript Pgs. 12,13, and 16 [2] Robledo, Marcos, “The Rearmament Debate: A Chilean Perspective,” Power Point presentation, slide 18, 2010 Western Hemisphere Security Colloquium, Miami, Florida, May 25th-26th, 2010 [3] Yopo, Boris, “¿Carrera Armamentista en la Regiόn?” La Tercera, November 2nd, 2009, http://www.latercera.com/contenido/895_197084_9.shtml, accessed October 8th, 2010 [4] Walser, Ray, “An Arms Race in Our Hemisphere? Discussing the Trends and Implications of Military Expenditures in South America,” Brookings Institution Conference, Washington, D.C., June 3rd, 2010, Transcript Pgs. 49,50,53 and 54 [5] Ibid., Guevara, Iñigo, Pg. 22 [6] Ibid., Bromley, Mark, Pgs. 18 and 19

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Ce mémoire analyse la stratégie d’affirmation de puissance mise en oeuvre par la Chine dans le contexte post-Guerre froide, caractérisé par la seule superpuissance des États-Unis, en utilisant le cadre théorique du réalisme offensif. Challenger désigné des États-Unis, la Chine a basculé dans le 21ème siècle avec un défi important à relever. La prépondérance américaine continue d’être une donnée essentielle dans le système politique mondial. Les États-Unis produisent plus du quart du total de l’économie mondiale et comptent pour près de la moitié des dépenses militaires. La Chine, de son côté, avec ses 1.3 milliards d’habitants, une croissance économique quasiexponentielle, dotée d’un arsenal nucléaire conventionnel, est la principale puissance émergente, avec le potentiel de rivaliser avec les États-Unis dans les affaires mondiales. Mais, vu l’énorme écart qui les sépare, pour la Chine la question de l’hégémonie américaine se pose sous la forme d’une équation dont la seule variable connue est le potentiel de l’adversaire à affronter. Le principal problème auquel la Chine est confrontée est dès lors sa capacité de penser une stratégie sans toutefois courir le risque de provoquer la seule superpuissance du globe. Par conséquent, cette étude analyse les politiques et actions stratégiques développées par la Chine à la lumière des contraintes que lui impose un environnement international peu favorable. Elle s’intéresse en particulier à la manière dont Beijing a su exploiter avec maestria une des armes les plus redoutables de l’ère post-Guerre froide, sa puissance économique, afin de consolider son ascension au rang de grande puissance. Elle soutient que, tenant compte d’un retard considérable à combler, la Chine a entrepris de balancer la superpuissance américaine d’une manière pragmatique. A cet effet, elle a conçu une stratégie qui comprend deux grands piliers : sur le plan interne, des réformes économiques et militaires ; sur le plan externe, une diplomatie agressive et efficace en adéquation avec ses ambitions de puissance. Nous concluons qu’une telle stratégie vise à éviter à la Chine pour le moment tout risque de confrontation directe qui aurait pour principal effet de nuire à son ascension. Cependant, à mesure que sa puissance s’accroît, elle pourrait afficher une posture plus agressive, quitte à engager également, avec la seule superpuissance du monde, des compétitions de nature sécuritaire en Asie et au-delà de cette région.

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The rapid growth of the populous Asian economies provokes profound economic changes and a shift in the balance of power. On the economic front, Asian leaders are confronted with the need to preserve the stability that has underpinned their prosperity, maintain an environment conducive to trade and investments and encourage domestic consumption while avoiding ecological disasters. Internationally, business competition will intensify with the strong presence of Asian manufacturers in global supply chains, growing price competition from Asian firms in domestic markets and global competition for energy, food, minerals and other commodities. Geopolitical concerns stem, in part, from Asia’s global quest for critical resources, conflicting territorial and maritime disputes and increasing military expenditures which affect security dynamics. China’s assertiveness over its periphery prompts an arm’s race in the region and concerns about Sino-American relations even though U.S.-Chinese relations may be less risky than China’s relations with its neighbours. The United States remains a key player in the Asia-Pacific region, with the capacity to alter balances and affect outcomes. Globally, the United States capacity to lead is now diminished and will continue to be so for the foreseeable future. Since no rising power is capable of exercising global leadership, a return to the "old normal" where no one power in geopolitical or economic terms dominates the world is to be expected.

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En el año 2010 el gobierno de Canadá pública su estrategia de política exterior hacia el Ártico, en la cual manifiesta que esta región es una de las principales prioridades del Gobierno de Stephen Harper en materia de política exterior. Así las cosas, a partir de la perspectiva teórica del realismo neoclásico la investigación se enfoca en analizar por qué la seguridad nacional y la prosperidad económica son los principales intereses de este Gobierno en la zona.

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Distribución del ingreso, pobreza y gasto social en América Latina / José Antonio Ocampo. -- Gasto militar y el desarrollo en América Latina / Eugenio Lahera y Marcelo Ortúzar. -- Crecimiento, justicia distributiva y poiítica social / Andrés Solimano. -- Equidad, inversión extranjera y competitividad internacional / Adolfo Figueroa. -- Tensiones en ei ajuste estructural en América Latina: asignación vs. distribución / Daniel M. Schydlowsky. -- Competitividad y regulaciones laborales / Luis Beccaria y Pedro Galín. -- Familias latinoamericanas: convergencias y divergencias de modelos y políticas / Irma Arriagada. -- Los acuerdos de libre comercio y el trabajo de las mujeres: el caso de Chile / Alicia Frohmann y Pilar Romaguera. -- Evolución macroeconómica del Paraguay 1989-1997: burbuja de consumo y crisis financier / Stéphane Straub. -- Estrategias de las empresas mexicanas en sus procesos de internacionalización / Alejandra Salas-Porras. -- La regulación de la prestación privada de servicios de agua potable y alcantarillado / Terence R. Lee y Andrei S. Jouravlev. -- Promoción de la calidad para mejorar la competitividad / Hessel Schuurman.

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Income distribution, poverty and social expenditure in Latin America / José Antonio Ocampo. -- Military expenditure and development in Latin America / Eugenio Lahera and Marcelo Ortúzar. -- Growth, distributive justice and social policy / Andrés Solimano. -- Equity, foreign investment and international competitiveness / Adolfo Figueroa. -- Tensions in Latin American structural adjustment: allocation versus distribution / Daniel M. Schydlowsky. -- Competitiveness and labour regulations / Luis Beccaria and Pedro Galin. -- Latin American families: convergences and divergences in models and policies / Irma Arriagada. -- Free trade agreements and female labour: the Chilean situation / Alicia Frohmann and Pilar Romaguera. -- Macroeconomic trends in Paraguay from 1989 to 1997: consumption bubble and financial crisis / Stephane Straub. -- The strategies pursued by Mexican firms in their efforts to become global players / Alejandra Salas-Porras. -- Regulating the private provision of drinking water and sanitation services / Terence R, Lee and Andrei S. Jouravlev. -- Quality management promotion to improve competitiveness / Hessel Schuurman.

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With the growing environmental crisis affecting our globe, ideas to weigh economic or social progress by the ‘energy input’ necessary to achieve it are increasingly gaining acceptance. This question is intriguing and is being dealt with by a growing number of studies, focusing on the environmental price of human progress. Even more intriguing, however, is the question of which factors of social organization contribute to a responsible use of the resources of our planet to achieve a given social result (‘smart development’). In this essay, we present the first systematic study on how migration – or rather, more concretely, received worker remittances per GDP – helps the nations of our globe to enjoy social and economic progress at a relatively small environmental price. We look at the effects of migration on the balance sheets of societal accounting, based on the ‘ecological price’ of the combined performance of democracy, economic growth, gender equality, human development, research and development, and social cohesion. Feminism in power, economic freedom, population density, the UNDP education index as well as the receipt of worker remittances all significantly contribute towards a ‘smart overall development’, while high military expenditures and a high world economic openness are a bottleneck for ‘smart overall development’.

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Drawing on a database for 1988-2006 containing information on 157 countries, we investigate the effects on military spending of government form, electoral rules, concentration of parliamentary parties, and ideology. From an OLS regression on pooled data, our results show that presidential democracies spend more than parliamentary systems on defense, whereas the presence of a plurality voting system will reduce the defense burden. Our findings suggest that, in contrast to theoretical predictions in the literature, institutions do not have the same impact on the provision of all public goods. We present as well evidence regarding the effect of ideology on defense spending.