639 resultados para Liverpool


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This Perspective reflects on the withdrawal of the Liverpool Care Pathway in the UK, and its implications for Australia. Integrated care pathways are documents which outline the essential steps of multidisciplinary care in addressing a specific clinical problem. They can be used to introduce best clinical practice, to ensure that the most appropriate management occurs at the most appropriate time and that it is provided by the most appropriate health professional. By providing clear instructions, decision support and a framework for clinician-patient interactions, care pathways guide the systematic provision of best evidence-based care. The Liverpool Care Pathway (LCP) is an example of an integrated care pathway, designed in the 1990s to guide care for people with cancer who are in their last days of life and are expected to die in hospital. This pathway evolved out of a recognised local need to better support non-specialist palliative care providers’ care for patients dying of cancer within their inpatient units. Historically, despite the large number of people in acute care settings whose treatment intent is palliative, dying patients receiving general hospital acute care tended to lack sufficient attention from senior medical staff and nursing staff. The quality of end-of-life care was considered inadequate, therefore much could be learned from the way patients were cared for by palliative care services. The LCP was a strategy developed to improve end-of-life care in cancer patients and was based on the care received by those dying in the palliative care setting.

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Signed and dated lower right. See also 78.1689

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Over a number of years complaints have been made by various angling associations within the area of the Lancashire and Mersey and Weaver River Authorities about the unsatisfactory state of the fisheries in the Leeds/Liverpool Canal. Following upon discussions with the associations the Lancashire River Authority agreed to carry out an investigation into the fish species and their populations. The survey has extended over two years and it is hoped that the following information will be of value to all concerned. The canal is 127 miles in length when measured from the River Aire at Leeds to the docks at Liverpool. The survey was confined to two sections: i) That part of the canal which passes through the area of the Lancashire River Authority; and ii) 10 miles of that section which runs through the area of the Mersey and Weaver River Authority. The fish were sampled by electro-fishing, a 100 yard section of canal being sampled at each one mile interval. Water samples for chemical analysis were taken immediately prior to the commencement of fishing operations. The analyses were intended to demonstrate the quality of the water in which the fish were living at the time of the survey. Regular samples of the fauna and flora present in the canal were taken and examined in the fisheries laboratory of the Authority.

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This report looks at the interests of the Fisheries Department for the Lancashire River Board, focusing on the Liverpool and Leeds Canal Survey. It looks at finding parasites in fish from an electrofishing survey (roach and perch). This was to contribute towards the main survey with a possible view to suggesting whether or not the parasites were one reason for the poor fish population. Methods of finding parasites are given, and results of what parasites that were found in the fish are discussed.

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Some of the first results are reported from RISE - a new fast camera mounted on the Liverpool Telescope primarily designed to obtain high time-resolution light curves of transiting extrasolar planets for the purpose of transit timing. A full and partial transit of WASP-3 are presented, and a Markov-Chain Monte Carlo analysis is used to update the parameters from the discovery paper. This results in a planetary radius of 1.29(-0.12)(+0.05) R-J and therefore a density of 0.82(-0.09)(+0.14) rho(J), consistent with previous results. The inclination is 85.06(-0.15)(+0.16) deg, in agreement (but with a significant improvement in the precision) with the previously determined value. Central transit times are found to be consistent with the ephemeris given in the discovery paper; however, a new ephemeris calculated using the longer baseline results in T-c(0) = 2 454 605.55915 +/- 0.00023 HJD and P = 1.846835 +/- 0.000002 days.

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On 28th August 1207, King John created the Borough of Liverpool by granting its first charter. During the ensuing 800 years Liverpool has experienced a complex and changing social, economic and political history resulting in powerful images of the city and its people. This paper examines the labelling of Liverpool and stereotypes of Scousers. It explains how historical and contemporary events, and their coverage in various arms of the media, construct social and spatial imaginations of the city. This involves a more systematic contribution to the how and why dimensions of negative place imagery and social stereotypes, and enhances our understanding of the processes and issues affecting our interpretations of people and place. The analysis is both historical and contemporaneous in teasing out how previous and current events shape the perceptions of insiders and outsiders. This paper reveals that despite concerted efforts to re-brand Liverpool the city continues to face difficult challenges with ongoing bad publicity and negative place imagery.

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The concept of identity has attracted significant academic attention. This article unpacks what constitutes the Scouse identity, how it is constructed and its different dimensions, with particular reference to place, phonology and race. Its novelty lies in developing the underused concept of “sonic geography” to examine the extent to which sound, for example a distinctive accent and/or dialect, affects the construction of local identity. Empirically this is conducted through a detailed analysis of the Scouse, or Liverpudlian, identity. The article also deploys the concept of “sonic exclusion” to examine the role a distinguishing vernacular plays in shaping local identity and the extent to which it determines “who is in” and “who is out” as a Scouser. The conclusion is that an effective understanding of a Scouser is not only spatial – someone born in Liverpool – because the sonoric landscape of spoken Scouse, and thereby Scouse identity, extends beyond the contemporary political and geographic boundaries of the City of Liverpool.

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Major cultural events are increasingly seen by local stakeholders as important opportunities to stimulate urban regeneration, city branding and economic development. The European Capital of Culture programme is a prominent example. Since 1985 over thirty cities have hosted the title and today it remains a highly sought-after prize. This paper analyses competing interpretations of the success of Liverpool's hosting of the European Capital of Culture in 2008. It unpacks contrasting views of Liverpool08, from the official triumphant message of urban regeneration and economic renaissance to more critical analyses that problematise important elements of the event and its social and spatial impacts. In so doing, it challenges the hyperbole of culture-led transformation to reveal different geographies of culture, different cultural experiences and different socio-economic realities; it also offers an additional cultural reading of Liverpool in 2008. Through the example of Liverpool this paper shows how local culture is politicised, manipulated and sanitised in order to stimulate urban regeneration and construct a spatial re-branding of the city.

De grands événements culturels sont de plus en plus perçus par les rentiers locaux comme des opportunités importantes pour stimuler la régénération urbaine, produire la devise des villes et le développement économique. L'initiative La Capitale Européenne de la Culture est un exemple proéminent. Depuis 1985, plus de trente villes ont accueilli le titre et maintenant il reste un prix largement recherché. Cet article analyse des interprétations en concurrence du succès de l'accueil de Liverpool de la Capitale Européenne de la Culture en 2008. Il déballe des vues contrastées de Liverpool08, du message officiel et triomphal de la régénération urbaine et de la renaissance économique à des analyses plus critiques qui problématisent des éléments importants de l'événement et ses impacts sociaux et spatiaux. De cette façon, il conteste l'hyperbole de la transformation menée par la culture pour révéler des géographies différentes de la culture, des expériences différentes de la culture et des réalités socioéconomiques différentes; il offre aussi une interprétation culturelle différente de Liverpool en 2008. Au travers de l'exemple de Liverpool cet article montre comment la culture locale est politisée, manipulée et aseptisée pour stimuler la régénération urbaine et construire un relookage spatial de la ville.

Cada vez más, los inversores locales vean a los eventos culturales como oportunidades importantes para estimular regeneración urbana, el desarollo económico y la branding a una ciudad. El Capital Europeo de Cultura es un ejemplo prominente. Desde 1985, más que treinta ciudades han presentado el título y hoy sigue siendo un premio deseable. Este papel se analiza interpretaciones competitivos del éxito del Capital Europea de Cultura 2008 en Liverpool. Se deshace las perspectivas opuestas del Liverpool08, del mensaje triunfante de regeneración urbana y renacimiento económico, a analices críticos que problematizan elementos importantes del evento y sus impactos sociales y espaciales. Al hacer esto, se cuestiona el hipérbole de la transformación cultural para revelar geografías diferentes de cultura, experiencias culturales diferentes y realidades diferentes socio-económicas; también ofrece un entendimiento cultural adicional de Liverpool en el 2008. Através el ejemplo de Liverpool, este papel demuestra como la cultura local está politizada, manipulada, y desinfectado para estimular regeneración urbana y construir una nueva branding de la ciudad.

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