720 resultados para Linguistic Politics
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Pós-graduação em Educação - FFC
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A presença da língua espanhola no Brasil, nos últimos dez anos, vem alcançando um prestígio nunca antes visto. Professores, pesquisadores e algumas universidades brasileiras, através de seminários e congressos vêm, cada vez mais, se reunindo para a discussão de diversos assuntos inerentes ao ensino/aprendizagem da língua espanhola no Brasil. Este trabalho, por enquanto inédito em Belém, visa, através das atitudes desenvolvidas por alunos universitários de espanhol dos cursos de Administração, Letras e Secretariado Executivo Bilingüe, além de professores de espanhol, gestores e profissionais liberais da cidade de Belém, mostrar como a cidade olha em direção desse caminhar do espanhol no Brasil. Para complementar o trabalho, um estudo sobre as políticas lingüísticas do ensino do espanhol no Brasil também será apresentado.
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En el marco de las políticas lingüísticas, el trabajo analiza los discursos sobre el español como lengua estándar subyacentes en los diversos instrumentos de gramatización (Auroux, 1992) destinados a regular los usos lingüísticos en el ámbito hispanoamericano. Postula la hipótesis de que las políticas lingüísticas alentadas desde las Academias de la Lengua y las diversas instancias de difusión del estándar llamado panhispánico acuden al espíritu de unidad y homogeneidad lingüística presente desde los inicios de los discursos sobre el español afectando el prestigio de los estándares regionales. A partir de esta hipótesis, sostiene que las actuales expectativas de homogeneidad e intercomprensibilidad lingüística expresadas tanto en diccionarios, manuales de estilo o gramáticas como en los medios de comunicación olvidan que los estándares regionales paralelos a ese español globalizado no siempre cuentan con una vía de enseñanza formal que los valide y los prestigie frente a la variedad transnacional. Para verificar la plausibilidad de esta hipótesis, analizamos diccionarios de la RAE y Panhispánico de Dudas y manuales escolares de enseñanza de español, entre otros instrumentos; allí identificamos la construcción de las nociones de norma estándar, español transnacional y dialecto
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En el marco de las políticas lingüísticas, el trabajo analiza los discursos sobre el español como lengua estándar subyacentes en los diversos instrumentos de gramatización (Auroux, 1992) destinados a regular los usos lingüísticos en el ámbito hispanoamericano. Postula la hipótesis de que las políticas lingüísticas alentadas desde las Academias de la Lengua y las diversas instancias de difusión del estándar llamado panhispánico acuden al espíritu de unidad y homogeneidad lingüística presente desde los inicios de los discursos sobre el español afectando el prestigio de los estándares regionales. A partir de esta hipótesis, sostiene que las actuales expectativas de homogeneidad e intercomprensibilidad lingüística expresadas tanto en diccionarios, manuales de estilo o gramáticas como en los medios de comunicación olvidan que los estándares regionales paralelos a ese español globalizado no siempre cuentan con una vía de enseñanza formal que los valide y los prestigie frente a la variedad transnacional. Para verificar la plausibilidad de esta hipótesis, analizamos diccionarios de la RAE y Panhispánico de Dudas y manuales escolares de enseñanza de español, entre otros instrumentos; allí identificamos la construcción de las nociones de norma estándar, español transnacional y dialecto
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En el marco de las políticas lingüísticas, el trabajo analiza los discursos sobre el español como lengua estándar subyacentes en los diversos instrumentos de gramatización (Auroux, 1992) destinados a regular los usos lingüísticos en el ámbito hispanoamericano. Postula la hipótesis de que las políticas lingüísticas alentadas desde las Academias de la Lengua y las diversas instancias de difusión del estándar llamado panhispánico acuden al espíritu de unidad y homogeneidad lingüística presente desde los inicios de los discursos sobre el español afectando el prestigio de los estándares regionales. A partir de esta hipótesis, sostiene que las actuales expectativas de homogeneidad e intercomprensibilidad lingüística expresadas tanto en diccionarios, manuales de estilo o gramáticas como en los medios de comunicación olvidan que los estándares regionales paralelos a ese español globalizado no siempre cuentan con una vía de enseñanza formal que los valide y los prestigie frente a la variedad transnacional. Para verificar la plausibilidad de esta hipótesis, analizamos diccionarios de la RAE y Panhispánico de Dudas y manuales escolares de enseñanza de español, entre otros instrumentos; allí identificamos la construcción de las nociones de norma estándar, español transnacional y dialecto
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After discussing the meaning of the word politics, this paper shows that there are four possible approaches to the issue of the relationships between language, discourse and politics: a) the intrinsic political nature of language; b) the relations of power between discourses and their political dimension; c) the relations of power between languages and the political dimension of their usage and; d) linguistic policies. This paper addresses only the first two of these items. Languages have an intrinsically political nature because they subject their speakers to their order. The acts of silencing operationalized in discourse manifest a relation of power. The spread of discourses in the social space is also subject to the order of power. The use of language may be the space of pertinence, but is also that of exclusion, separation and even the elimination of the other. Therefore, language is not a neutral communication tool, but it is permeated by politics, by power. Because of the dislocations that it produces, literature is a form of swindling language, unveiling the powers that are imprinted on it.
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Recent years have seen a striking proliferation of the term ‘global’ in public and political discourse. The popularity of the term is a manifestation of the fact that there is a widespread notion that contemporary social reality is ‘global’. The acknowledgment of this notion has important political implications and raises questions about the role played by the idea of the ‘global’ in policy making. These questions, in turn, expose even more fundamental issues about whether the term ‘global’ indicates a difference in kind, even an ontological shift, and, if so, how to approach it. This paper argues that the notion of ‘global’, in other words the ‘global dimension’, is a significant aspect of contemporary politics that needs to be investigated. The paper argues that in the globalization discourse of International Studies ‘global’ is ‘naturalized’, which means that it is taken for granted and assumed to be self-evident. The term ‘global’ is used mainly in a descriptive way and subsumed under the rubric of ‘globalization’. ‘Global’ tends to be equated with transnational and/or world-wide; hence, it addresses quantitative differences in degree but not (alleged) differences in kind. In order to advance our understanding of contemporary politics, ‘global’ needs to be taken seriously. This means, firstly, to understand and to conceptualize ‘global’ as a social category; and, secondly, to uncover ‘global’ as a ‘naturalized’ concept in the Political and International Studies strand of the globalization discourse in order to rescue it for innovative new approaches in the investigation of contemporary politics. In order to do so, the paper suggests adopting a strong linguistic approach starting with the analysis of the word ‘global’. Based on insights from post-structuralism as well as cognitive and general constructivist perspectives it argues that a frame-based corpus linguistic analysis offers the possibility of investigating the collective/social meaning(s) of global in order to operationalize them for the analysis of the ‘global dimension’ of contemporary politics.
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Depuis des années, le Kenya avait donné l’impression d’être un pays relativement stable dans la région d’Afrique sub-saharienne, régulièrement secouée par les conflits, et un « centre » autour duquel la communauté internationale coordonne ses missions vers certains pays d’Afrique comme ceux faisant partie de la Région des Grandes Lacs (Burundi, Rwanda, Ouganda, République démocratique du Congo, Kenya et Tanzanie) et ceux de la Corne de l’Afrique (Kenya, Somalie, Éthiopie, Djibouti et Ouganda). Toutefois, les élections présidentielles très contestées en 2007 et les conflits qui se sont enchaînés ont entrainé de nombreuses préoccupations en ce qui concerne la stabilité du Kenya à l’ère de l’insécurité globale. Alors que le rétablissement de la paix continue, la coexistence entre groupes est toujours délicate car le Kenya compte au moins quarante-deux ethnies qui sont toutes distinctes les unes par rapport aux autres. Par ailleurs, l’ouverture d’une enquête judiciaire, par la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI), contre quatre des six personnes présumées être les principaux auteurs des violences postélectorales de 2007/08, s’ajoute aux problèmes liés à la coexistence pacifique entre les différents groupes avant les prochaines élections. Cette thèse examine les politiques relatives à l’accommodation des différents groupes à travers les radios vernaculaires et comment ces politiques ont influencé les relations entre les groupes lors des conflits de 2007/08 au Kenya. Partant du constat qu’un conflit est un processus communicatif, elle intègre le concept d’encadrement médiatique à la théorie de Protracted Social Conflict (PSC) définie par Azar (1990) pour tracer non seulement les changements dans les discours d’encadrement de ces conflits, mais aussi pour illustrer les mutations des attitudes à l’égard des relations entre groupes survenues avant, durant et après ces conflits. Cette étude emploie principalement les méthodes qualitatives pour rassembler les données issues des trois régions au Kenya qui sont ethniquement et linguistiquement divergentes: Nyeri (la majorité Kikuyu), Kisumu (la majorité Luo) et Eldoret (la majorité Kalenjin). L’argument central de cette thèse est que l’encadrement des relations entre groupes, notamment lors des conflits, est soit différencié soit concerté dépendamment du stade auquel le conflit se manifeste. Alors que dans l’encadrement différencié, les discours médiatiques sont articulés de façon à ce que ceux-ci soient susceptibles d’entrainer une polarisation entre groupes, l’encadrement concerté décrit les discours médiatiques négociés de manière à ce que ceux-ci reflètent les valeurs partagées au travers des différents groupes, et donc sont susceptibles d’engendrer une coopération entre groupes. J’argumente que les changements dans le discours des radios vernaculaires prennent effet lorsque de nouveaux éléments sont ajoutés aux discours caractérisant un conflit déjà existant, et les « nouveaux significations » que ces éléments apportent à la compréhension du conflit en question. J’argumente également que le changement du l’encadrement différentiée à l’encadrement concerté (et vice-versa) dépende du degré de résonance de ces discours avec la population cible. De façon générale, cette étude suggère que le langage de diffusion et la proximité culturelle induisent l’encadrement entre groupes à travers les radios vernaculaires au Kenya. La force de cette thèse se trouve donc dans les perspectives analytiques qu’elle propose pour localiser les discours changeants lors des conflits, plus particulièrement dans les états multiethniques où les politiques d’accommodation entre les différents groupes demeurent toujours fragiles et conditionnelles.
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This essay examines the persuasive side of language in a speech given by Senator Barack Obama on Super Tuesday in February 2008. It studies how Senator Obama utilizes language to convince and persuade his audience. This is done from an Aristotelian point of view, meaning that the study focuses foremost on how the senator’s word choices relate to Aristotle’s three means of persuasion, ethos, pathos and logos. Those basic guiding principles are relevant to use since Aristotle’s work on the subject of rhetoric is still today one of the most relevant works in that field. The analysis is basically performed through personal observations guided by previous studies, within the frame of Aristotelian rhetoric. The results show how Senator Obama enforces the three means of persuasion through language and how it can be considered persuasive. The study might add to rhetoric studies from a linguistic perspective since it reaches a better understanding of language used in the field of politics, where rhetoric is a prominent component.
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The devolution of powers from Westminster to the Northern Ireland Assembly, the Scottish Parliament and the National Assembly for Wales led to much speculation about the creation of a new political era that would herald new ways of 'doing politics'. It was thought that the new institutions would provide a more inclusive, less combative culture that aimed to include a greater proportion of women members. With the 'new' institutions now over ten years old, linguistic research into the participation of men and women on the debate floor shows that they participate more equally and that improvements have been made in relation to the extent that women feel included. However, the devolved institutions retain some of the adversarial features associated with Westminster, and women are still subject to the burden of gendered stereotypical judgements and expectations that may affect their performance and inclusion within them.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08
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Epistolary manuals are conspicuous historical documents for the pedagogy of letter writing; however, their actual usage as manuals by letter writers is unknown. "Secretary in Fashion" by Serre (1668), an epistolary manual, and "Love-Letters between a Nobleman and his Sister" (1684), an epistolary novel attributed to Behn, both give insights into epistolary conventions. Their inception and nature is interesting, considering their historical context. Despite the Restoration of Charles II, 17th century England was in a confused political state; as a result, texts regarding social convention or politics interested contemporary readers (the novel is inspired by a scandal of Lord Grey, an ardent Whig opposing Charles II). Past epistolary studies focus on 18th rather than 17th century manuals; the latter is typically used as supplementary information. Similarly, past epistolary fiction studies focus on 18th century texts; moreover, linguistic studies on Behn and the novel are deficient. Thus, this study addresses the research questions: 1) What are the socio-cultural and pragmaticlinguistic features represented in "Secretary in Fashion"? 2) What are the socio-cultural and pragmatic-linguistic features represented in "Love-Letters between a Nobleman and his Sister", and do any of these features correlate with the features represented in "Secretary in Fashion"? How far do the characteristic linguistic features of "Love-Letters between a Nobleman and his Sister" correlate with the practices recommended by the manual? Both texts were qualitatively analysed from an historical pragmatic perspective, which observes the potential effects of the socio-cultural and historical context. Also, as the texts concern shared discourses, comparisons were made with Gricean and Politeness Theory. The results show that the manual is a typical 17th century epistolary manual, aligning particularly with the "Academies of Complements", as it concerns the social conventions of the gentry. The novel mainly upheld instructions on form and matter; deviations occurred due to the amatory nature of some letters, and the narrative force affecting the style. Unfortunately, neither research question elucidates the actual usage of manuals. However, this study does show the epistolary practices of two writers, within specific contexts. It reveals that their 17th century English language use is affected by socialisation, in terms of social conventions concerning social rank, age, and gender; therefore, context varies language use. Also, their popularity reveals the interests of the 17th century society. Interest in epistolary-related texts, surely piques the interest of the modern reader as to why such epistolary-related texts were interesting.