Ergonomics as authoritarian or libertarian: reflections on Ward’s politics of design

Ergonomics is intrinsically connected to political debates about the good society, about how we should live. This article follows the ideas of Colin Ward by setting the practices of ergonomics and design along a spectrum between more libertarian approaches and more authoritarian. Within Anglo-American ergonomics, more authoritarian approaches tend to prevail, often against the wishes of designers who have had to fight with their employers for best possible design outcomes. The article draws on debates about the design and manufacturing of schoolchildren’s furniture. Ergonomics would benefit from embracing these issues to stimulate a broader discourse amongst its practitioners about how to be open to new disciplines, particularly those in the social sciences.

Ergonomics as authoritarian or libertarian: Learning from colin ward's politics of design

Ergonomics is intrinsically connected to political debates about the good society, about how we should live. This article follows the ideas of Colin Ward by setting the practices of ergonomics and design along a spectrum between more libertarian approaches and more authoritarian. Within Anglo-American ergonomics, more authoritarian approaches tend to prevail, often against the wishes of designers who have had to fight with their employers for best possible design outcomes. The article draws on debates about the design and manufacturing of schoolchildren's furniture. Ergonomics would benefit from embracing these issues to stimulate a broader discourse amongst its practitioners about how to be open to new disciplines, particularly those in the social sciences.

The recent Australian debate about the prohibition on cannabis use

This paper outlines the ethical arguments used in the Australian debate about whether or not to relax the prohibition on cannabis use by adults. Over the past two decades a rising prevalence of cannabis use in the Australian population has led to proposals for the decriminalization of the personal use of cannabis. Three states and territories have removed criminal penalties for personal use while criminal penalties are rarefy imposed in the remaining states. Libertarian arguments for legalization of cannabis use have attracted a great deal of media interest but very little public and political support. Other arguments in favour of decriminalization have attracted more support. One has been the utilitarian argument that prohibition has failed to deter cannabis use and the social costs of its continuation outweigh any benefits that it produces. Another has been the argument from hypocrisy that cannabis is less harmful than alcohol and so, on the grounds of consistency, if alcohol is legally available then so should cannabis. To date public opinion has not favoured legalization, although support for the decriminalization of personal cannabis use has increased. In the long term, the outcome of the debate may depend more upon trends in cannabis use and social attitudes among young adults than upon the persuasiveness of the arguments for a relaxation of the prohibition of cannabis.

Uma teoria da justiça libertarista: contribuições de Nozick e Steiner

Dissertação de mestrado em Filosofia Política

Neuroscience, quantum indeterminism and the Cartesian soul.

Quantum indeterminism is frequently invoked as a solution to the problem of how a disembodied soul might interact with the brain (as Descartes proposed), and is sometimes invoked in theories of libertarian free will even when they do not involve dualistic assumptions. Taking as example the Eccles-Beck model of interaction between self (or soul) and brain at the level of synaptic exocytosis, I here evaluate the plausibility of these approaches. I conclude that Heisenbergian uncertainty is too small to affect synaptic function, and that amplification by chaos or by other means does not provide a solution to this problem. Furthermore, even if Heisenbergian effects did modify brain functioning, the changes would be swamped by those due to thermal noise. Cells and neural circuits have powerful noise-resistance mechanisms, that are adequate protection against thermal noise and must therefore be more than sufficient to buffer against Heisenbergian effects. Other forms of quantum indeterminism must be considered, because these can be much greater than Heisenbergian uncertainty, but these have not so far been shown to play a role in the brain.

An Analysis of the Electoral Use of Policy on Law and Order by New Labour

There has been much debate regarding the electoral strategy adopted by New Labour in the lead-up to and then during their time in government. This paper addresses the issue from the perspective of left/right and libertarian/authoritarian considerations by examining data on individual attitudes from the British Social Attitudes survey between 1986 and 2009. The analysis indicates that New Labour’s move towards the right on economic and public policy was the main driver towards attracting new centrist voters and could thus be labelled ‘broadly’ populist. The move towards a tougher stance on law and order was more ‘narrowly’ populist in that it was used more to minimise the reduction in support from Labour’s traditional base on the left than to attract new votes.

Autonomy-enhancing paternalism

We present a form of soft paternalism called "autonomy-enhancing paternalism" that seeks to in-crease individual well-being by facilitating the individual ability to make critically reflected, autonomous decisions. The focus of autonomy-enhancing paternalism is on helping individuals to become better decision-makers, rather than on helping them by making better decisions for them. Autonomy-enhancing paternalism acknowledges that behavioral interventions can change the strength of decision-making anomalies over time, and favors those interventions that improve, rather than reduce, individuals ability to make good and unbiased decisions. By this it prevents manipulation of the individual by the soft paternalist, accounts for the heterogeneity of individuals, and counteracts slippery slope arguments by decreasing the probability of future paternalistic interventions. Moreover, autonomy-enhancing paternalism can be defended based on both liberal values and welfare considerations.

Ecologie et liberté : libéralisme versus républicanisme

La question centrale de ce travail est celle de la relation entre finitude environnementale et liberté individuelle. Par finitude environnementale il faut entendre l'ensemble des contraintes écologiques variées qui posent des limites à l'action humaine. Celles-ci sont de deux types généraux : les limites de disponibilité des ressources naturelles et: les limites de charge des écosystèmes et des grands cycles biogéochimiques globaux (chapitre 1). La thèse défendue ici est que les conceptions libertariennes et libérales de la liberté sont en conflit avec la nécessité de prendre en compte de telles limites et qu'une approche néo-républicaine est mieux à même de répondre à ces enjeux écologiques. Les théories libertariennes, de droite comme de gauche, sont inadaptées à la prise en compte de la finitude des ressources naturelles car elles maintiennent un droit à l'appropriation illimitée de ces dernières par les individus. Ce point est en contradiction avec le caractère systémique de la rareté et avec l'absence de substitut pour certaines ressources indispensables à la poursuite d'une vie décente (chapitres 2 et 3). La théorie libérale de la neutralité, appuyée par le principe du tort (harm principle), est quant à elle inadaptée à la prise en compte des problèmes environnementaux globaux comme le changement climatique. Les mécanismes causaux menant à la création de dommages environnementaux sont en effet indirects et diffus, ce qui empêche l'assignation de responsabilités au niveau individuel. La justification de politiques environnementales contraignantes s'en trouve donc mise en péril (chapitre 4). Ces difficultés proviennent avant tout de deux traits caractéristiques de ces doctrines : leur ontologie sociale atomiste et leur conception de la liberté comme liberté de choix. Le néo-républicanisme de Philip Pettit permet de répondre à ces deux problèmes grâce à son ontologie holiste et à sa conception de la liberté comme non- domination. Cette théorie permet donc à la fois de proposer une conception de la liberté compatible avec la finitude environnementale et de justifier des politiques environnementales exigeantes, sans que le sacrifice en termes de liberté n'apparaisse trop important (chapitre 5). - The centrai issue of this work is that of the relationship between environmental finiteness and individual liberty. By environmental finiteness one should understand the set of diverse ecological constraints that limit human action. These limits are of two general kinds: on the one hand the availability of natural resources, and on the other hand the carrying capacity of ecosystems and biogeochemical cycles (chapter 1}. The thesis defended here is that libertarian and liberal conceptions of liberty conflict with the necessity to take such limits into account, and that a neo-republican approach is best suited to address environmental issues. Libertarian theories, right-wing as well as left-wing, are in particular not able to take resource scarcity into account because they argue for an unlimited right of individuals to appropriate those resources. This point is in contradiction with the systemic nature of scarcity and with the absence of substitutes for some essential resources (chapters 2 and 3). The liberal doctrine of neutrality, as associated with the harm principle, is unsuitable when addressing global environmental issues like climate change. Causal mechanisms leading to environmental harm are indirect and diffuse, which prevents the assignation of individual responsibilities. This makes the justification of coercive environmental policies difficult (chapter 4). These difficulties stem above all from two characteristic features of libertarian and liberal doctrines: their atomistic social ontology and their conception of freedom as liberty of choice. Philip Pettit's neo- republicanism on the other hand is able to address these problems thanks to its holist social ontology and its conception of liberty as non-domination. This doctrine offers a conception of liberty compatible with environmental limits and theoretical resources able to justify demanding environmental policies without sacrificing too much in terms of liberty (chapter 5).

Cultura obrera y prensa anarquista: radiografia de Guerra di Classe, plataforma de los anarquistas italianos durante la Guerra Civil en Catalunya, 1936-1938

Giovanni C. Cattini is a young historian who offers an itemized study on Berneri's Guerra di Classe: he refers the first moments and also the definitive crisis of this newspaper after Berneri¿s assassination in May 1937. This is not the first work devoted to this militant platform has been annalysed but Cattini's approach observes not only the ideological and political contest maintained with other sectors of the libertarian movement but the contrived militant tools that have allowed its existance during the Spanish Civil War.

Cultura obrera y prensa anarquista: radiografia de Guerra di Classe, plataforma de los anarquistas italianos durante la Guerra Civil en Catalunya, 1936-1938

Giovanni C. Cattini is a young historian who offers an itemized study on Berneri's Guerra di Classe: he refers the first moments and also the definitive crisis of this newspaper after Berneri¿s assassination in May 1937. This is not the first work devoted to this militant platform has been annalysed but Cattini's approach observes not only the ideological and political contest maintained with other sectors of the libertarian movement but the contrived militant tools that have allowed its existance during the Spanish Civil War.

Els arxius del moviment llibertari a Catalunya: guia d’arxius i de fonts documentals

A partir de la constatació de la dispersió i varietat de fonts documentals que existeixen a Catalunya que fan referència al moviment llibertari i que fa difícil accedir-hi i conèixer-les en la seva totalitat, es va decidir fer aquest treball amb la intenció de sistematitzar i donar a conèixer els principals centres i les principals fonts documentals que aporten o poden aportar informació útil pel coneixement i l’estudi dels diferents aspectes relacionats amb el moviment llibertari a Catalunya (no es recopilen només els centres i fonts documentals sobre el tema que es poden consultar a Catalunya, sinó també aquells centres de la resta de l’Estat espanyol o d’altres llocs del món que conserven documentació relativa a Catalunya) des d’una perspectiva històrica, per tal que puguin ser utilitzades per tots aquells professionals relacionats amb la matèria i per totes aquelles altres persones que hi estiguin interessades.

The class basis of the cleavage between the New Left and the radical right: An analysis for Austria, Denmark, Norway and Switzerland

This chapter argues that the electoral competition between the New Left and the Radical Right is best understood as a cultural divide anchored in different class constituencies. Based on individual-level data from the European Social Survey, we analyze the links between voters' class position, their economic and cultural preferences and their party choice for four small and affluent European countries. We find a striking similarity in the class pattern across countries. Everywhere, the New Left attracts disproportionate support from socio-cultural professionals and presents a clear-cut middle-class profile, whereas the Radical Right is most successful among production and service workers and receives least support from professionals. In general, the Radical Right depends on the votes of lowereducated men and older citizens and has turned into a new type of working-class party. However, its success within the working-class is not due to economic, but to cultural issues. The voters of the Radical Right collide with those of the New Left over a cultural conflict of identity and community - and not over questions of redistribution. A full-grown cleavage has thus emerged in the four countries under study, separating a libertarian-universalistic pole from an authoritarian-communitarian pole and going along with a process of class realignment.

Issuant views of hell in contemporary Anglo-American theology

This problem of hell is a specific form of the problem of evil that can be expressed in terms of a set of putatively incompatible statements: 1. An omnipotent God could create a world in which all moral agents freely choose life with God. 2. An omnibenevolent God would not create a world with the foreknowledge that some (perhaps a significant proportion) of God’s creatures would end up in hell. 3. An omniscient God would know which people will end up in hell. 4. Some people will end up forever in hell. Since the late twentieth century, a number of British and North American philosophical theologians, inspired by C.S. Lewis, have developed a new approach to answering the problem of hell. Very little work has been done to systematize this category of perspectives on the duration, quality, purpose and finality of hell. Indeed, there is no consensus among scholars as to what such an approach should be called. In this work, however, I call this perspective issuantism. Starting from the works of a wide range of issuantist scholars, I distill what I believe to be the essence of issuantist perspectives on hell: hell is a state that does not result in universal salvation and is characterized by the insistance that both heaven and hell must issue from the love of God, an affirmation of libertarian human freedom and a rejection of retributive interpretations of hell. These sine qua non characteristics form what I have labeled basic issuantism. I proceed to show that basic issuantism by itself does not provide an adequate answer to the problem of hell. The issuantist scholars themselves, however, recognize this weakness and add a wide range of possible supplements to their basic issuantism. Some of these supplemented versions of issuantism succeed in presenting reasonable answers to the problem of hell. One of the key reasons for the development of issuantist views of hell is a perceived failure on the part of conditionalists, universalists and defenders of hell as eternal conscious torment to give adequate answers to the problem of hell. It is my conclusion, however, that with the addition of some of the same supplements, versions of conditionalism and hell as eternal conscious torment can be advanced that succeed just as well in presenting answers to the problem of hell as those advanced by issuantists, thus rendering some of the issuantist critique of non-issuantist perspectives on hell unfounded.

Le respect de la vie privée et les inforoutes en République Démocratique du Congo

Le respect  de la vie privée est garanti dans presque tous les pays du monde, dont la République Démocratique du Congo. Les textes juridiques internes et internationaux qui assurent la protection de la vie privée ont généralement été édictés à une époque où l'on ne pouvait tenir compte de l’avènement des inforoutes. Cet article tend à rechercher, autant que faire se peut, les divers formes de violations de la vie privée pouvant être commises sur les réseaux numériques et les mécanismes de protection y relatifs. Sont abordées, en premier lieu, les violations effectuées par les pouvoirs publics. Nombreuses sont les atteintes à la vie privée autorisées par les normes juridiques étatiques pour raison de sécurité publique. Il en est ainsi des perquisitions électroniques, des visites de lieux et des saisies opérées par des agents des services étatiques porteurs des titres réguliers et dans le strict respect tant de la procédure que des lois. Toutefois, il arrive que les agents d'État débordent le cadre de l’objet de leur mission ou agissent sans titre régulier. Du côté des atteinte perpétrées par les personnes privées, l'on pourra citer, à titre indicatif, la commission des délits de presse et la violation du secret professionnel, la prise de connaissance ou la soustraction frauduleuse des données à caractère personnel. Ces atteintes procèdent de divers fondements, parmi lesquels on retrouvera les conceptions libertaires, les intérêts égoïstes, l’ignorance des législations étrangères, le principe de la liberté de l’information, les raisons scientifiques ou celles d’ordre public. Un certain nombre de mécanismes juridiques permet néanmoins de combattre ou de réfréner les violations de la vie privée. Tout semble graviter autour de la mise en œuvre d’une procédure pouvant enclencher des sanctions pénales, civiles, disciplinaires ou administratives, hormis l’existence de certains mécanismes de protection particuliers tel que le droit de réponse.