834 resultados para Legislative behaviour


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This article examines the determinants of positional incongruence between pre-election statements and post-election behaviour in the Swiss parliament between 2003 and 2009. The question is examined at the individual MP level, which is appropriate for dispersion-of-powers systems like Switzerland. While the overall rate of political congruence reaches about 85%, a multilevel logit analysis detects the underlying factors which push or curb a candidate's propensity to change his or her mind once elected. The results show that positional changes are more likely when (1) MPs are freshmen, (2) individual voting behaviour is invisible to the public, (3) the electoral district magnitude is not small, (4) the vote is not about a party's core issue, (5) the MP belongs to a party which is located in the political centre, and (6) if the pre-election statement dissents from the majority position of the legislative party group. Of these factors, the last one is paramount.

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Ce mémoire s’intéresse à la formation des partis politiques et l’origine de la loyauté partisane à la Chambre d’assemblée du Bas-Canada entre 1791 et 1840. Pour ce faire, le présent mémoire fait une analyse systématique de tous les votes tenus en Chambre grâce à l’indice de loyauté et à la méthode de la Classification optimale (Optimal Classification) développée par Poole (2005). Il soutient la thèse selon laquelle l’ethnicité est la principale source de division entre les députés lors des votes tenus à la Chambre d’assemblée du Bas-Canada lors des premières législatures et que c’est plutôt l’opposition entre les réformistes constitutionnels et les conservateurs favorables à l’ancien régime qui explique les divisions entre les députés lors des deux dernières législatures. Il soutient également que le statut social des députés, le type de comté dans lequel ils sont élus, l’occupation civile des députés ou leur expérience parlementaire n’expliquent pas l’opposition entre les députés lors des votes au Parlement. Ce mémoire émet également l’hypothèse selon laquelle les partis politiques ont peu d’impact sur le comportement législatif de leurs membres : les députés sont libres de voter selon leurs préférences individuelles sans véritable discipline partisane.

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A tese procura analisar a atuação do Congresso Nacional no momento de criação das agências reguladoras de primeira geração no Brasil (ANEEL, ANP e ANATEL), assim como no momento posterior à sua instalação. O estudo mostra de que forma a preocupação com a accountability parlamentar se fez presente na concepção e na operação dessas agências entre 1998 e 2004.

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In the wake of the financial crisis, budgetary discipline has taken centre stage in politics. More than ever a country's budget mirrors the true policy preferences of the legislative majority beyond all political discourse and cheap talk. The paper sheds light on mandate fulfilment in the field of public spending and fiscal policy in general. Based on previous work on pledge fulfilment in Switzerland the paper compares publicised pre-electoral statements of MPs on public spending and the development of the public finances with their post-electoral legislative behaviour during budget debates and votes. The findings of the paper confirm the results of the aforementioned earlier studies and point to the potential of budgetary statements for future mandate fulfilment research.

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This project looked at the nature, contents, methods, means and legal and political effects of the influence that constitutional courts exercise upon the legislative and executive powers in the newly established democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. The basic hypothesis was that these courts work to provide a limitation of political power within the framework of the principal constitutional values and that they force the legislature and executive to exercise their powers and duties in strict accordance with the constitution. Following a study of the documentary sources, including primarily the relevant constitutional and statutory provisions and decisions of constitutional courts, Mr. Cvetkovski prepared a questionnaire on various aspects of the topics researched and sent it to the respective constitutional courts. A series of direct interviews with court officials in six of the ten countries then served to clarify a large number of questions relating to differences in procedures etc. that arose from the questionnaires. As a final stage, the findings were compared with those described in recent publications on constitutional control in general and in Central and Eastern Europe in particular. The study began by considering the constitutional and political environment of the constitutional courts' activities in controlling legislative and executive powers, which in all countries studied are based on the principles of the rule of law and the separation of powers. All courts are separate bodies with special status in terms of constitutional law and are independent of other political and judicial institutions. The range of matters within their jurisdiction is set by the constitution of the country in question but in all cases can be exercised only with the framework of procedural rules. This gives considerable significance to the question of who sets these rules and different countries have dealt with it in different ways. In some there is a special constitutional law with the same legal force as the constitution itself (Croatia), the majority of countries allow for regulation by an ordinary law, Macedonia gives the court the autonomy to create and change its own rules of procedure, while in Hungary the parliament fixes the rules on procedure at the suggestion of the constitutional court. The question of the appointment of constitutional judges was also considered and of the mechanisms for ensuring their impartiality and immunity. In the area of the courts' scope for providing normative control, considerable differences were found between the different countries. In some cases the courts' jurisdiction is limited to the normative acts of the respective parliaments, and there is generally no provision for challenging unconstitutional omissions by legislation and the executive. There are, however, some situations in which they may indirectly evaluate the constitutionality of legislative omissions, as when the constitution contains provision for a time limit on enacting legislation, when the parliament has made an omission in drafting a law which violates the constitutional provisions, or when a law grants favours to certain groups while excluding others, thereby violating the equal protection clause of the constitution. The control of constitutionality of normative acts can be either preventive or repressive, depending on whether it is implemented before or after the promulgation of the law or other enactment being challenged. In most countries in the region the constitutional courts provide only repressive control, although in Hungary and Poland the courts are competent to perform both preventive and repressive norm control, while in Romania the court's jurisdiction is limited to preventive norm control. Most countries are wary of vesting constitutional courts with preventive norm control because of the danger of their becoming too involved in the day-to-day political debate, but Mr. Cvetkovski points out certain advantages of such control. If combined with a short time limit it can provide early clarification of a constitutional issue, secondly it avoids the problems arising if a law that has been in force for some years is declared to be unconstitutional, and thirdly it may help preserve the prestige of the legislation. Its disadvantages include the difficulty of ascertaining the actual and potential consequences of a norm without the empirical experience of the administration and enforcement of the law, the desirability of a certain distance from the day-to-day arguments surrounding the political process of legislation, the possible effects of changing social and economic conditions, and the danger of placing obstacles in the way of rapid reactions to acute situations. In the case of repressive norm control, this can be either abstract or concrete. The former is initiated by the supreme state organs in order to protect abstract constitutional order and the latter is initiated by ordinary courts, administrative authorities or by individuals. Constitutional courts cannot directly oblige the legislature and executive to pass a new law and this remains a matter of legislative and executive political responsibility. In the case of Poland, the parliament even has the power to dismiss a constitutional court decision by a special majority of votes, which means that the last word lies with the legislature. As the current constitutions of Central and Eastern European countries are newly adopted and differ significantly from the previous ones, the courts' interpretative functions should ensure a degree of unification in the application of the constitution. Some countries (Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Russia) provide for the constitutional courts' decisions to have a binding role on the constitutions. While their decisions inevitably have an influence on the actions of public bodies, they do not set criteria for political behaviour, which depends rather on the overall political culture and traditions of the society. All constitutions except that of Belarus, provide for the courts to have jurisdiction over conflicts arising from the distribution of responsibilities between different organs and levels in the country, as well for impeachment procedures against the head of state, and for determining the constitutionality of political parties (except in Belarus, Hungary, Russia and Slovakia). All the constitutions studied guarantee individual rights and freedoms and most courts have jurisdiction over complaints of violation of these rights by the constitution. All courts also have some jurisdiction over international agreements and treaties, either directly (Belarus, Bulgaria and Hungary) before the treaty is ratified, or indirectly (Croatia, Czech Republic, Macedonia, Romania, Russia and Yugoslavia). In each country the question of who may initiate proceedings of norm control is of central importance and is usually regulated by the constitution itself. There are three main possibilities: statutory organs, normal courts and private individuals and the limitations on each of these is discussed in the report. Most courts are limited in their rights to institute ex officio a full-scale review of a point of law, and such rights as they do have rarely been used. In most countries courts' decisions do not have any binding force but must be approved by parliament or impose on parliament the obligation to bring the relevant law into conformity within a certain period. As a result, the courts' position is generally weaker than in other countries in Europe, with parliament remaining the supreme body. In the case of preventive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality may act to suspend the law and or to refer it back to the legislature, where in countries such as Romania it may even be overturned by a two-thirds majority. In repressive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality generally serves to take the relevant law out of legal force from the day of publication of the decision or from another date fixed by the court. If the law is annulled retrospectively this may or may not bring decisions of criminal courts under review, depending on the provisions laid down in the relevant constitution. In cases relating to conflicts of competencies the courts' decisions tend to be declaratory and so have a binding effect inter partes. In the case of a review of an individual act, decisions generally become effective primarily inter partes but is the individual act has been based on an unconstitutional generally binding normative act of the legislature or executive, the findings has quasi-legal effect as it automatically initiates special proceedings in which the law or other regulation is to be annulled or abrogated with effect erga omnes. This wards off further application of the law and thus further violations of individual constitutional rights, but also discourages further constitutional complaints against the same law. Thus the success of one individual's complaint extends to everyone else whose rights have equally been or might have been violated by the respective law. As the body whose act is repealed is obliged to adopt another act and in doing so is bound by the legal position of the constitutional court on the violation of constitutionally guaranteed freedoms and rights of the complainant, in this situation the decision of the constitutional court has the force of a precedent.

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This article provides a holistic legal analysis of the use of cookies in Online Behavioural Advertising. The current EU legislative framework is outlined in detail, and the legal obligations are examined. Consent and the debates surrounding its implementation form a large portion of the analysis. The article outlines the current difficulties associated with the reliance on this requirement as a condition for the placing and accessing of cookies. Alternatives to this approach are explored, and the implementation of solutions based on the application of the Privacy by Design and Privacy by Default concepts are presented. This discussion involves an analysis of the use of code and, therefore, product architecture to ensure adequate protections.

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This article examines the determinants of positional incongruence between pre-election statements and post-election behaviour in the Swiss parliament between 2003 and 2009. The question is examined at the individual MP level, which is appropriate for dispersion-of-powers systems like Switzerland. While the overall rate of political congruence reaches about 85%, a multilevel logit analysis detects the underlying factors which push or curb a candidate's propensity to change his or her mind once elected. The results show that positional changes are more likely when (1) MPs are freshmen, (2) individual voting behaviour is invisible to the public, (3) the electoral district magnitude is not small, (4) the vote is not about a party's core issue, (5) the MP belongs to a party which is located in the political centre, and (6) if the pre-election statement dissents from the majority position of the legislative party group. Of these factors, the last one is paramount.

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Oligodendrocytes and Schwann cells are engaged in myelin production, maintenance and repairing respectively in the central nervous system (CNS) and the peripheral nervous system (PNS). Whereas oligodendrocytes act only within the CNS, Schwann cells are able to invade the CNS in order to make new myelin sheaths around demyelinated axons. Both cells have some limitations in their activities, i.e. oligodendrocytes are post-mitotic cells and Schwann cells only get into the CNS in the absence of astrocytes. Ethidium bromide (EB) is a gliotoxic chemical that when injected locally within the CNS, induce demyelination. In the EB model of demyelination, glial cells are destroyed early after intoxication and Schwann cells are free to approach the naked central axons. In normal Wistar rats, regeneration of lost myelin sheaths can be achieved as early as thirteen days after intoxication; in Wistar rats immunosuppressed with cyclophosphamide the process is delayed and in rats administered cyclosporine it may be accelerated. Aiming the enlightening of those complex processes, all events concerning the myelinating cells in an experimental model are herein presented and discussed.

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The behaviour of the albino and melanic variants of Biomphalaria glabrata of Belo Horizonte (MG. Brazil) was studied comparatively, in terms of their respective susceptibilities to infection by Schistosoma mansoni of the same origin, through observation of the elimination of cercariae for a three-month period and the calculation of mortality and infection rates, in control and in infected snails. The number of amoebocytes, granulocytes and hyalinocytes in the circulating hemolymph during different periods of infection was analyzed. The evolution of the infection in the tissues was observed by means of histological cross-sections. The melanic variant showed greater susceptibility to infection and a higher mortality rate. The albino variant showed a higher number of circulating amoebocytes, both granulocytes and hyalinocytes. A higher number of degenerated sporocysts were seen in the histological cross-sections of the albino variant. The results suggest that the melanic variant of B. glabrata was more susceptible to infection by S. mansoni than was the albino variant.

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Does the food's sugar concentration affect recruitment behaviour in the stingless bee Nan-notrigona testaceicornis? We recorded intranidal forager behaviour while offering sugar water of constant, increasing, or decreasing concentrations. Running speed was not correlated with sugar concentration but the jostling contacts/sec were. Food profitability also affected the recruiter's thorax vibrations: Pulse duration and duty cycle followed both concentration increases and decreases. Sugar concentration also influenced the number of recruited bees. In comparison to the phylogenetically closely related Scaptotrigona, Nan-notrigona's intranidal recruitment behaviour showed a more elaborate association with food profitability. This is likely to reflect differences in ecology and foraging strategies as Nannotrigona - in contrast to Scaptotrigona - does not lay scent trails to guide recruits to a food source.

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A saddle shaped tetracluster porphyrin species containing four [Ru(3)O(OAc)(6)(py)(2)](+) clusters coordinated to the N-pyridyl atoms of 5,10,15,20-tetra(3-pyridyl)porphyrin, H(2)(3-TCPyP), has been investigated in comparison with the planar tetra(4-pyridyl) porphyrin analogue H(2)(4-TCPyP). The steric effects from the bulky peripheral complexes play a critical role in the H(2)(3-TCPyP) species, determining a non-planar configuration around the porphyrin centre and precluding any significant pi-electronic coupling, in contrast with the less hindered H(2)(4-TCPyP) species. Both systems exhibit a photoelectrochemical response in the presence of nanocrystalline TiO(2) films, involving the porphyrin excitation around 450 nm. However, only in the H(2)(4-TCPyP) case do the cluster moieties also contribute to the photoinduced electron injection process at 670 nm, reflecting the relevance of the electronic coupling between the porphyrin centre and the peripheral complexes.

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Blast furnace gas yield is essentially controlled by a gas-solid reaction phenomenon, which strongly influences hot metal manufacturing costs. As a result of rising prices for reducing agents on the international market, Companhia Siderurgica Nacional decided to inject natural gas into its blast furnaces. With more gas inside the furnace, the burden permeability became even more critical. To improve blast furnace gas yield, a new technological approach was adopted; raising the metallic burden reaction surface. To that end, a special sinter was developed with permeability being controlled by adding micropore nucleus forming agents, cellulignin coal, without, however, degrading its mechanical properties. This paper shows the main process parameters and the results from physicochemical characterisation of a sinter with controlled permeability, on a pilot scale, compared to those of conventional sinter. Gas flow laboratory simulations have conclusively corroborated the positive effects of micropore nucleus forming agents on enhancing sinter permeability.

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The wetting of Ti-Cu alloys on Si3N4 was analyzed by the sessile drop method, using an imaging system with a CCD camera during the heating under argon flow. The contact angle was measured as a function of temperature and time. The samples were cut transversally and characterized by scanning electron microscopy and energy dispersive spectrometry (SEM/EDS). Wettability of the Ti-Cu alloy on Si3N4 is influenced by the reaction between the Ti and the ceramic. The TC1 and TC2 alloys presented low final contact angle values around 2 degrees and 26 degrees, respectively, indicating good wetting on Si3N4. (c) 2006 Elsevier Ltd and Techna Group S.r.l. All rights reserved.

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The crystallisation behaviour for alloys in the Al-rich corner in the Al-La-Ni system is reported in this paper Alloys were selected based on the topological instability criterion (lambda criterion) calculated from the alloy composition and metallic radii of the alloying elements and aluminum Amorphous ribbons were produced by melt-spinning and the crystallisation reactions were analysed by X-ray diffraction and calorimetry The results showed that increasing the values of lambda from 0.072 to 0.16 resulted in the following changes in the crystallisation behaviour, as predicted by the lambda criterion (a) nanocrystallisation of alpha-Al for the alloy composition corresponding to lambda = 0 072 and (b) detection of the glass transition temperature, T(g), for the alloys with composition close to lambda approximate to 0.1 line. For compositions corresponding to both ends of the lambda approximate to 0 1 line (near the binaries lines) T(g) could be detected only in the ""intermediary"" central region, and the alloy we produced in this region was considered the best glass former for the Al-rich corner Also, except for the alloys with the highest NI content, crystallisation proceeded by two distinct exothermic peaks which are typical of nanocrystallisation transformation. These behaviours are discussed in terms of compositional (lambda parameter) and topological aspects to account for cluster formation in the amorphous phase. Crown Copyright (C) 2009 Published by Elsevier B V All rights reserved

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A nonlinear finite element model was developed to simulate the nonlinear response of three-leaf masonry specimens, which were subjected to laboratory tests with the aim of investigating the mechanical behaviour of multiple-leaf stone masonry walls up to failure. The specimens consisted of two external leaves made of stone bricks and mortar joints, and an internal leaf in mortar and stone aggregate. Different loading conditions, typologies of the collar joints, and stone types were taken into account. The constitutive law implemented in the model is characterized by a damage tensor, which allows the damage-induced anisotropy accompanying the cracking process to be described. To follow the post-peak behaviour of the specimens with sufficient accuracy it was necessary to make the damage model non-local, to avoid mesh-dependency effects related to the strain-softening behaviour of the material. Comparisons between the predicted and measured failure loads are quite satisfactory in most of the studied cases. (c) 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.