Increasing popular participation in the treaty-making process : the legislative process of Section 190 of the 2007 Constitution of Thailand

Historically, the authority to conclude international treaties was exclusively exercised by administrative bodies (or the chief of state). However, recent studies pointed out that the present legislative bodies have come to play a more active role through ratification or the review of treaties in European and American countries. Harrington (2005) studied judicial reform in British dominions and criticized the past executive-dominant treaty-making process as a “democratic deficit” due to a fear that under this system the nation might be bound by international agreements for which a consensus had not been obtained. These studies indicated that people’s participation in the treaty-making process has increased on a global basis, but neither of them provides sufficient descriptive evidence regarding why and how such procedures were established. The present paper therefore attempts to solve these questions by analyzing the legislative and political process of the treaty-making procedure reform in Thailand’s 2007 constitution as a case study.

The legislative process,

Supplement prepared by the Michigan Senate Fellows of 1964-65 and dated November 1964 (20 p.) inserted.

Agendas in legislative decision-making

Despite the wide range of agendas used in legislative decision-making, the literature has focused almost exclusively on two stylized formats, the so-called Euro-Latin and Anglo-American agendas. As emphasized by Ordeshook and Schwartz [1987], this focus leaves a sizable gap in our understanding of the legislative process. To help address the deficiency, I first define a very broad class of agendas (called simple agendas) whose features are common among agendas used in legislative settings. I then characterize the sophisticated (Farquharson [1969]) voting outcomes implemented by agendas in this class. By establishing a clear connection between the structure of simple agendas and the outcomes associated with them, the characterization extends our understanding of legislative decision-making well beyond the very limited scope of Euro-Latin and Anglo-American agendas.

Childhood obesity prevention in the 80th Texas legislative session

The increased number of obese children in the United States has prompted many efforts to reduce obesity by predominantly focusing resources to develop better education, awareness, nutrition and physical activity. There has been increased interest within communities and governments to turn to policy makers for help in taking action. The possibility for various health policies geared toward preventing childhood obesity is diverse in nature. In order to understand strategies taken by Texas legislatures to address childhood obesity, this study examines childhood obesity prevention policy recommendations and subsequently uses them to identify relevant legislation. This study follows identified legislation during the 80th Texas legislative session to gain an understanding of the steps that the Texas legislatures are currently taking to prevent childhood obesity. This study concludes that the Texas legislative process was successful at effecting changes in education policy. However, during this legislative session Texas legislators did not follow many strategies and recommendations which may be more effective at reducing childhood obesity. ^

A stakeholder analysis of the Texas Youth Commission issue for the Texas 80th Legislative Session

The following is a policy analysis based on the Advocacy Coalition Framework by Paul Sabatier. The study question was who were the stakeholders in the legislative process for the issue of the Texas Youth Commission (TYC) overhaul during the Texas 80th Legislative Session. This analysis included the stakeholders identifying characteristics including beliefs and interests, goals and resources, and finally, the winning legislative solutions as embodied in three bills that were passed. The study linked the stakeholders with three bills and expanded on the literature for the stakeholder group of Policy Brokers. The conclusions were that all stakeholders including Youth Advocates, the Policy People and Policy Brokers were effective in advancing legislative solutions to address the need for an agency overhaul of TYC and that the three new policies will be evaluated in the future as either short term change or long-term reforms based on their implementation. ^

Do Institutional Changes Make a Difference? A veto player analysis of how institutional changes in the Council of the EU influence legislative efficiency and outputs. Brugges Political Research Paper No. 31, October 2013

A driving argument behind recent EU treaty reforms was that more qualified majority voting (QMV) was required to reduce the potential dangers of legislative paralysis caused by enlargement. Whilst existing literature on enlargement mostly focuses on the question of what changed in the legislative process after the 2004 enlargement, the question of why these changes occurred has been given far less attention. Through the use of a single veto player theoretical model, this paper seeks to test and explain whether enlargement reduces the efficiency of the legislative process and alters the type of legislation produced, and whether QMV can compensate for these effects. In doing this, it offers a theoretical explanation as to why institutional changes that alter the level of cohesion between actors in the Council have an influence over both the legislative process and its outcomes.

State legislative term limits and the law of unintended consequences: An examination of member behavior, power structures, and legislative organization in Florida

The implementation of term limits on state legislators has provided a wealth of data for study. Florida, the second largest state in the Union with term limits, has not been comprehensively studied. This research examines the effects of term limits on electoral competition, member composition, legislator career paths, legislative leadership, and intra- and inter-governmental influences on Florida's legislature. This study looks at the Florida legislature from 1992 when term limits were enacted through 2004, three electoral cycles in which term limits have been in effect. This study uses both quantitative and qualitative data where appropriate. Electoral data is used to assess electoral and demographic effects, as well as member career trajectories. Interview data with current and former legislators, lobbyists, and executive branch officials is used to analyze both changes in legislative organization and intra- and inter-governmental influences on the legislative process. Term limits has only created greater competition when a legislative seat opens and has actually created a greater advantage for incumbents. Women and minorities have only made minimal gains in winning seats post-term limits. Newly elected legislators are not political novices with a vast majority having previous elective experience. Leadership is more centralized under term limits and the Senate has gained an advantage over the more inexperienced House. Lastly, the influence of staff, lobbyists, and most importantly, the governor has greatly increased under term limits. This research finds that term limits have not produced the consequences that proponents had envisioned.^

Preventing the selection of “deaf embryos” under the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 2008 : problematizing disability?

Section 14(4) of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 2008 imposes – within the general licensing conditions listed in the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990 – a prohibition to prevent the selection and implantation of embryos for the purpose of creating a child who will be born with a “serious disability.” This article offers a perspective that demonstrates the problematic nature of the consultation, review, and legislative reform process surrounding s 14(4). The term “serious disability” is not defined within the legislation, but we highlight the fact that s 14(4) was passed with the case of selecting deaf children in mind. We consider some of the literature on the topic of disability and deafness, which, we think, casts some doubt on the view that deafness is a “serious disability.” The main position we advance is that the lack of serious engagement with alternative viewpoints during the legislative process was unsatisfactory. We argue that the contested nature of deafness necessitates a more robust consultation process and a clearer explanation and defence of the normative position that underpins s 14(4).

Kilpailukykyvaltion koululainsäädännön rakentuminen : Suomen eduskunta ja 1990-luvun koulutuspoliittinen käänne

Finnish education policy, educational legislation and the entire education system changed significantly during the 1990s as part of a general restructuring of public administration. There has been a clear divergence from the former tradition of a system of regulation, founded on detailed legislation and the principle of equality. The new governance, which is based more on individual choice, efficiency and evaluation, emphasizes that the development of a high standard of education is a necessity in the light of global competition. This study explores the legislative process regarding education policy in the Finnish Parliament during the 1990s, and highlights in particular how the international discourse on education policies was restructured in the context of Finnish legislation. The research material consists of all the public parliamentary documents relating to education, including government proposals, minutes from the discussions in the chamber and archive material (final protocols, reports and statements) for the Committee for Education and Culture. The discourse on the process of drafting and passing education legislation is modelled on three interrelated policy technologies (market, management and performance), which are understood here as mechanisms connecting general political ideas to normative legislation. The changes in the regulation of education were part of a general public administration reform instigated during the mid 1980s. The research results will prove that during the left-right coalition cabinet of PM Harri Holkeri, new policy technologies affected the parliamentary discourse on education policy. This was particularly influenced by a change in the preconditions for the management of education that was created as a result of the numerous demands to deregulate and delegate decision-making authority to the local and school levels while rendering the whole education system more effective. At the turn of the decade, market-type mechanisms were more indirectly manifested in the forms of individuality and freedom of choice, which were reflected, for example, in proposals to “lower the hurdles” by separating general from vocational secondary education with a view to encouraging students to select courses from other educational establishments, in addition to relaxing the requirements for establishing private schools and abolishing a hundred-year-old strict national catchment-area system. Later, in the course of the 1990s, after the subjects, players, and methods of evaluation had been more precisely defined, evaluation based on performance would result in the active measurement of the attainment of set objectives. In the spring of 1991, from the outset of PM Esko Aho's right-centre coalition cabinet, the education budget suffered cutbacks as a result of a global recession and this influenced the legislative work of, and discourses in, parliament. Representatives of the parties in power regarded the recession solely as an external factor that was remote from the political arena. In their view, the education system should rise to the challenge by ensuring the efficient and innovative use of the resources available and by developing new forms of indicators for evaluating results. Representatives of the opposition opposed the cabinet’s standpoint as a result of the recession, criticized the measures taken by pointing out the harmful effect of constantly cutting the budget and argued that the government had made political capital out of the recession by using it as an opportunity to give more room to market, management and performance technologies within the Finnish education system. Criticism of the new education policy became even stronger during PM Paavo Lipponen's first “rainbow” coalition cabinet with critical views being expressed not only from the opposition but also from representatives within the government. Representatives from the left demanded legislative restrictions and the instigation of measures to relieve the presumed negative effects of market, management and performance in the name of educational equality. The new management by results steering method within the university sector and the introduction of commercial education services in compulsory education were fiercely criticized. The argument over “setting outer limits” including, for example, the demands for more detailed legislation and earmarked state subsidies was characteristic of Parliament’s legislative discourse in the latter part of the 1990s. Keywords: education policy, education legislation, Parliament of Finland

The open parliament in the age of the internet : can the people now collaborate with legislatures in lawmaking?

This work seeks to address those questions and evaluate other international experiences and experiments designed to achieve the same ends. The book is based on a study of two particular cases where parliamentary bodies designed and implemented participatory digital processes, namely, the e-Democracy Program developed by the Brazilian House of Representatives, and the Virtual Senator Program developed by the Chilean Senate. The text unfolds in the form of a systematic analysis of institutional aspects embracing political and organizational elements as well as the social aspects associated to the application of digital democracy in parliaments. The investigation shows that at the stage they found themselves in 2010 those projects had only brought in very incipient results in regard to the aspects of enhancing representativity in decision making processes, aggregating collective intelligence to the legislative process or transparency to parliamentary performances, even though all of those are precious components of any democracy that deems itself to be participatory and deliberative. Nevertheless, such experiences have had the merit of contributing towards the gradual construction of more effective participatory mechanisms, complementary to the political representation system in place.

A iniciativa popular das leis

Analisa a iniciativa popular no processo legislativo federal. O foco de estudo é a iniciativa legislativa prevista no art. 61 da Constituição brasileira. São explanadas as características e as condições para a participação da sociedade na elaboração legislativa federal, bem como os resultados de pesquisa sobre o exercício desse instituto junto à Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil.

Conflitos temporais entre os processos legislativos ordinário e orçamentário

Analisa a interdependência, com ênfase no aspecto temporal, entre o processo legislativo ordinário, bicameral, produtor de normas permanentes, com prazos impróprios, em que se avalia o mérito e o processo orçamentário, congressual, prazos constitucionais, expedito e conciso. São usados como exemplos o PL 7749/10, que fixa o subsídio dos Ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal por ato administrativo autorizado na LDO, e o entendimento comum de considerar-se como lacuna da Proposta Orçamentária da União para 2011, PL 59/10-CN, Lei 12.381/11, conforme Nota Técnica CONOF/CD nº 13/2010, a ausência de valores referentes a proposições em tramitação no processo legislativo bicameral, produtor de cogência normativa sob a forma de despesas obrigatórias continuadas.

Reforma política no parlamento brasileiro : considerações a partir da rejeição política do Projeto de Lei 1210 de 2007

Com o objetivo de contribuir para a compreensão da reforma política como um fenômeno complexo, estudou-se a construção, tramitação e rejeição política do Projeto de Lei (PL) nº 1.210, de 2007, da Câmara dos Deputados, por meio do método de estudo de caso e de process tracing. Os resultados levaram a discussões sobre as principais variáveis que interferiram na trajetória do PL supramencionado, e à apresentação do conceito de rejeição política, fenômeno de descarte de uma matéria sem o enfrentamento da votação plenária, como recurso útil para a compreensão do processo legislativo.

O exame da admissibilidade financeira e orçamentária de proposições na Assembleia Nacional da França

Analisa o controle da admissibilidade financeira de proposições legislativas, com impacto nas contas públicas na Assembleia Nacional da França. Compara, subsidiariamente, com o caso brasileiro referente à Câmara dos Deputados. Expõe a atuação das diferentes instituições do Estado francês envolvidas no exame de admissibilidade financeira. Investiga as competências e o processo legislativo relacionados, especificamente no que tange à Assembleia Nacional. Detalha os critérios e os conceitos relativos ao exame, adotados por aquela casa legislativa e consigna a evolução histórica recente dos principais aspectos do controle de admissibilidade na França.

O sobrestamento de pauta no processo legislativo

Estudo descritivo, desenvolvido sob o enfoque do novo institucionalismo, que trata do sobrestamento de pauta resultante da aplicação das regras constitucionais e regimentais. Busca identificar as razões da gênese desse instituto no presidencialismo brasileiro, assim como entender seu papel tanto na tramitação das proposições para as quais foi concebido, quanto nos trabalhos dos Plenários das Casas do Congresso Nacional. Procura compreender os mecanismos por meio dos quais o sobrestamento de pauta, além de garantir a apreciação célere de algumas proposições consideradas urgentes, contribui decisivamente para transformar o chefe do Poder Executivo no principal controlador da agenda do processo legislativo brasileiro.