991 resultados para Legal authority


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In Victoria, Australia, the legal position regarding young people's competence to make medical treatment decisions has not been clarified in legislation, and a number of often vague common law decisions must be relied on for guidance. This situation produces a degree of uncertainty about appropriate professional practice, while also potentially impeding young people's rights claims in health care settings. With this in mind, the present research explored general practitioners' competence and confidentiality decisions regarding a 17-year-old female who presented with symptoms of an eating disorder. Questionnaires were sent to a random sample of 500 Victorian general practitioners, of whom 190 responded. After reading a case vignette, general practitioners indicated whether they would find the hypothetical patient competent and if they would maintain her confidentiality. Seventy-three per cent of respondents found the patient competent and most would have maintained confidentiality, at least initially. However, subsequent analysis of the rationales supplied for these decisions revealed a wide diversity in general practitioners' understandings and implementations of extant legal authority. This research highlights the need for general practitioners to be exposed to up-to-date and clinically relevant explanations of contemporary legal positions.

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All Australian governments recognize the need to ensure that land and natural resources are used sustainably. In this context, ‘resources’ includes natural resources found on land such as trees and other vegetation, fauna, soil and minerals, and cultural resources found on land such as archaeological sites and artefacts. Regulators use a wide range of techniques to promote sustainability. To achieve their objectives, they may, for example, create economic incentives through bounties, grants and subsidies, encourage the development of self-regulatory codes, or enter into agreements with landowners specifying how the land is to be managed. A common way of regulating is by making administrative orders, determinations or decisions under powers given to regulators by Acts of Parliament (statutes) or by regulations (delegated legislation). Generally the legislation provides for specified rights or duties, and authorises a regulator to make an order or decision to apply the legislative provisions to particular land or cases. For example, legislation might empower a regulator to make an order that requires the owner of a contaminated site to remediate it. When the regulator exercises the power by making an order in relation to particular land, the owner is placed under a statutory duty to remediate. When regulators exercise their statutory powers to manage the use of private land or natural or cultural resources on private land, property law issues can arise. The owner of land has a private property right that the law will enforce against anybody else who interferes with the enjoyment of the right, without legal authority to do so. The law dealing with the enforcement of private property rights forms part of private law. This report focuses on the relationship between the law of private property and the regulation of land and resources by legislation and by administrative decisions made under powers given by legislation (statutory powers).

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Co-management is a system or a process in which responsibility and authority for the management of common resources is shared between the state, local users of the resources as well as other stakeholders, and where they have the legal authority to administer the resource jointly. Co-management has received increasing attention in recent years as a potential strategy for managing fisheries. This paper presents and discusses results of a survey undertaken in the Kenyan part of Lake Victoria to assess the conditions - behaviour, attitude and characteristics of resource users, as well as community institutions - that can support co-management. It analyses the results of this survey with respect to a series of parameters, identified by Pinkerton (1989), as necessary preconditions for the successful inclusion of communities involvement in resource management. The survey was implemented through a two-stage stratified random sampling technique based on district and beach size strata. A total of 405 fishers, drawn from 25 fish landing beaches, were interviewed using a structured questionnaire. The paper concludes that while Kenya's lake Victoria fishery would appear to qualify for a number of these preconditions, it would appear that it fails to qualify in others. Preconditions in this latter category include the definition of boundaries in fishing grounds, community members' rights to the resource, delegation and legislation of local responsibility and authority. Additional work is required to further elaborate and understand these shortcomings

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For more than 25 years all sea turtle products have been prohibited from international commerce by the 170-member nations of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES). Sea turtles continue to be threatened by direct take (including poaching) and illegal trade despite multi-national protection efforts. Although take may contribute significantly to sea turtle decline, illegal take is difficult to measure since there are few quantified records associated with legal fisheries and fewer still for illegal take (poaching). We can, however, quantify one portion of the illegal sea turtle trade by determining how many illegal products were seized at United States ports of entry over a recent 10-year period. The United States Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS) oversees the import and export of wildlife and wildlife products, ensuring that wildlife trade complies with United States laws and international treaties. Additionally, the USFWS has legal authority to target suspected illegal wildlife activity through undercover and field investigations. In an effort to assess the scale of illegal sea turtle take and trade, we have conducted a 10-year (1994 – 2003) review of the law enforcement database maintained by the USFWS. This database tracks the number and type of wildlife cases, the quantity of seized products, and the penalties assessed against violators. These data are minimum estimates of the sea turtle products passing through the United States borders, as smuggled wildlife is oftentimes not detected.

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James Monroe (1758-1831) was appointed Secretary of State by President James Madison in 1811. He remained in this position until March, 1817, with the exception of the period from October 1, 1814, to February 28, 1815, when he was ad interim Secretary of State. Monroe encouraged President James Madison and Congress to declare war on Great Britain, feeling it would be the most effective way to change offensive British policies. The United States declared war on June 17, 1812, after which he served as Secretary of War. Monroe later became President of the United States from 1817 until 1824.

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A letter of marque addressed to Captain James Rogers, commander of the boat Retaliation, and signed by James Monroe, secretary of state. Letters of marquee provided legal authority for an armed vessel to capture enemy ships and commit acts which would otherwise constitute piracy. The letter has no date, but was likely created during the War of 1812, and authorizes the Captain to attack and capture enemy vessels.

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La métaphore de la famille a été utilisée, aussi bien à l’époque coloniale qu’à l’époque républicaine, pour illustrer le système politique idéal, la domination d’un groupe privilégié, les parents, sur une population obéissante, les enfants. Cette thèse survole les multiples facettes de la minorité en Équateur à l’époque coloniale et au début de l’époque républicaine (1760-1845), en se penchant sur les stratégies mises en place par l’État pour reléguer à un rang subalterne des individus n’appartenant pas à la catégorie raciale blanche métisse, c’est-à-dire les Indiens, les Noirs, les sang-mêlés, à travers un discours infantilisant. Elle s’intéresse aussi à la résistance d’individus refusant de se percevoir comme des mineurs et qui n’acceptaient pas l’ordre établi, les lois ou les décisions gouvernementales. En se présentant comme des parents compétents et en réclamant la patria potestad, l’autorité légale sur leurs enfants, des adultes considérés comme des enfants métaphoriques dans la grande famille patriarcale, par exemple des femmes, des pères indiens ou même des esclaves d’origine africaine, ont revendiqué plus d’autonomie pour eux, pour leurs familles, ou pour leurs communautés. Les guerres d’indépendance ont donné naissance à une république, la Grande-Colombie, et plus tard à un pays, l’Équateur. La figure symbolique du « parent » n’était plus incarnée par le roi d’Espagne et son appareil bureaucratique. Le système politique avait maintenant plusieurs « pères », membres d’un groupe restreint de Créoles qui, hier encore, se plaignaient d’être infantilisés par les Espagnols tyranniques. Les gens du peuple, en grande partie composé d’Indiens, étaient toujours considérés comme des « enfants » dans la nouvelle république. Comment expliquer que, dans une Nation désormais libre, des pans entiers de la population demeurent sous la tutelle d’hommes blancs? Une justification sera utilisée à répétition pour expliquer ce phénomène : l’ignorance du peuple et le besoin d’encadrement temporaire de celui-ci. Ainsi, s’est construit sur plus d’un siècle un véritable « mythe », celui d’une Nation en émergence où tous les citoyens seraient enfin placés sur un pied d’égalité, d’une Nation propre qu’on aurait nettoyée à l’aide d’écoles et de campagnes d’éducation populaire d’une tache tenace : celle de la Barbarie.

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To explore how Victorian general practitioners understand and apply relevant legal authority when faced with a. young person who requests the oral contraceptive pill, over 300 doctors were asked to make decisions about a hypothetical patient's competence and confidentiality. Respondents presented a range of philosophical perspectives about young people's entitlements, and operationalised legal authority in a variety of ways. The data indicate that the assumptions embedded in relevant law, the vague nature of existing legal criteria and the evident diversity in assessment practices all have the potential to act as obstacles to young people's claim to rights in the medical context.

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In spite of its origins as an illegal, clandestine, grassroots activity that took place either outside or in defiant opposition to state and legal authority, there is growing evidence to suggest that harm reduction in North America has become sanitized and depoliticized in its institutionalization as public health policy. Harm reduction remains the most contested and controversial aspect of drug policy on both sides of the Canada–US border, yet the institutionalization of harm reduction in each national context demonstrates a series of stark contrasts. Drawing from regional case study examples in Canada and the US, this article historically traces and politically re-maps the uneasy relationship between the autonomous political origins of harm reduction, contemporary public health policy, and the adoption of the biomedical model for addiction research and treatment in North America. Situated within a broader theoretical interrogation of the etiology of addiction, this study culminates in a politically engaged critique of traditional addiction research and drug/service user autonomy. Arguing that the founding philosophy and spirit of the harm reduction movement represents a fundamentally anarchist-inspired form of practice, this article concludes by considering tactics for reclaiming and re-politicizing the future of harm reduction in North America.

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The practical, normative dimension of planning is a plausible source of the ‘family resemblances’ noted by a number of legal theorists between Scott Shapiro’s Planning Theory and natural law jurisprudence. Foremost among these resemblances is Shapiro’s contention that the law, necessarily, has a moral aim. The moral aim thesis is at first glance surprising given Shapiro’s intention to defend exclusive legal positivism and unequivocal rejection of what he takes to be the core commitments of natural law theory. Shapiro’s claim, however, is that although the law necessarily has a moral aim, this does not entail that it is successful in satisfying that aim. In order to assess this thesis, it is helpful to compare the Planning Theory with contemporary natural law approaches. Bringing Shapiro’s Planning Theory into dialogue with contemporary natural law theories can demonstrate some of the Planning Theory’s weaknesses as an alternative explanation of the ultimate grounds of the authoritativeness of legal norms. Some of these weaknesses, moreover, are instructive beyond the specific contours of the Planning Theory insofar as they generalise to other legal positivist approaches. In section one I consider Shapiro’s treatment of the so-called ‘Possibility Puzzle’ regarding the grounding relation between authoritative norms and legal authority. Shapiro’s denial of the capacity of earlier jurisprudential theories to resolve this puzzle overlooks what is – I suggest – a plausible solution developed by John Finnis on the basis of Joseph Raz’s theory of practical reason and norms. Section two then demonstrates why Shapiro’s attempt to combine a robust construal of the social facts thesis with a commitment to the thesis that law necessarily has a moral aim is ultimately unsuccessful.

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El objetivo del trabajo es realizar un análisis sobre la construcción del poder político post-independiente en la campaña de Buenos Aires. Para ello se examinan conjuntamente dos variables significativas: la política de tierras públicas -especialmente las donaciones ejidales y condicionadas- y la distribución de la riqueza. Se abordan dos casos de estudio de forma confrontada: la Guardia de Luján y los partidos de Azul y Tapalqué, donde las modalidades de donación se implementaron, estudiando las características de la legislación y su aplicación, el perfil socio-económico de los sectores beneficiados y su relación con la formación de los consensos sociales necesarios para erigir la potestad del Estado. Se presta especial atención a la conformación de las nuevas comunidades políticas, específicamente, durante el gobierno de Juan Manuel de Rosas y la etapa inmediatamente posterior

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El objetivo del trabajo es realizar un análisis sobre la construcción del poder político post-independiente en la campaña de Buenos Aires. Para ello se examinan conjuntamente dos variables significativas: la política de tierras públicas -especialmente las donaciones ejidales y condicionadas- y la distribución de la riqueza. Se abordan dos casos de estudio de forma confrontada: la Guardia de Luján y los partidos de Azul y Tapalqué, donde las modalidades de donación se implementaron, estudiando las características de la legislación y su aplicación, el perfil socio-económico de los sectores beneficiados y su relación con la formación de los consensos sociales necesarios para erigir la potestad del Estado. Se presta especial atención a la conformación de las nuevas comunidades políticas, específicamente, durante el gobierno de Juan Manuel de Rosas y la etapa inmediatamente posterior

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El objetivo del trabajo es realizar un análisis sobre la construcción del poder político post-independiente en la campaña de Buenos Aires. Para ello se examinan conjuntamente dos variables significativas: la política de tierras públicas -especialmente las donaciones ejidales y condicionadas- y la distribución de la riqueza. Se abordan dos casos de estudio de forma confrontada: la Guardia de Luján y los partidos de Azul y Tapalqué, donde las modalidades de donación se implementaron, estudiando las características de la legislación y su aplicación, el perfil socio-económico de los sectores beneficiados y su relación con la formación de los consensos sociales necesarios para erigir la potestad del Estado. Se presta especial atención a la conformación de las nuevas comunidades políticas, específicamente, durante el gobierno de Juan Manuel de Rosas y la etapa inmediatamente posterior

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In this letter, Prince informs Holyoke of his desire to appeal the Board of Overseers' decision to dismiss him. Prince also asserts his belief that, until his appeal is considered, he should continue to perform his duties as Tutor and that the Corporation has no legal authority to fill a vacancy which does not exist.