851 resultados para Legal Sanctions


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Concern remains regarding the efficacy of legal sanctions to reduce drink driving behaviours among repeat offenders. The present study examined the impact of traditional legal sanctions (e.g., fines and licence disqualification periods), nonlegal sanctions, alcohol consumption and the frequency of recent offending behaviour(s) on intentions to re-offend for a group of recidivist drink drivers (N=166). The analysis indicated that participants perceived legal sanctions to be severe, but not entirely certain nor swift. In addition, self-reported recent drink driving behaviours and alcohol consumption levels were identified as predictors of future intentions to drink and drive. The findings of the study confirm the popular assumption that some repeat offenders are impervious to the threat and application of legal sanctions and suggests that additional interventions such as alcohol treatment programs are required if the drinking and driving sequence is to be broken for this population. (c) 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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Illicit opiate use, especially injected drugs, contributes to premature mortality and morbidity in many developed and developing societies. The economic costs of illicit drug use are substantial. Fatal overdoses and HIV/AIDS resulting from sharing dirty needles and injecting equipment are major contributors to mortality and morbidity. Illicit opioid use accounted for 0.7 percent of global disability–adjusted life years in 2000. An estimated 15.3 million people, or 0.4 percent of the world population ages 15 to 64, used illicit opioids in 2002, with more than half using heroin and the rest using opium or diverted pharmaceuticals such as buprenorphine, methadone, or morphine. The most popular interventions for illicit opioid dependence in many developed societies have been law enforcement efforts to interdict the drug supply and enforce legal sanctions against drug use. One consequence has been that illicit opioid users have been exposed to the least effective intervention: imprisonment for drug or property offenses. The most effective intervention to reduce blood–borne virus infection resulting from illicit drug injections is provision of clean injecting equipment to users. This intervention has been widely supported in developed countries, but less so in developing countries. In addition, vaccinations are effective against hepatitis B. In treatment settings, the most popular interventions have been detoxification and drug–free treatment, which has proven the least productive in retaining opioid–dependent people in treatment. Opioid agonists have a niche role in treatment of opioid dependence, especially if their efficacy improves with development of long–acting injectable forms of the drug.

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Medicine counterfeiting is a serious worldwide issue, involving networks of manufacture and distribution that are an integral part of industrialized organized crime. Despite the potentially devastating health repercussions involved, legal sanctions are often inappropriate or simply not applied. The difficulty in agreeing on a definition of counterfeiting, the huge profits made by the counterfeiters and the complexity of the market are the other main reasons for the extent of the phenomenon. Above all, international cooperation is needed to thwart the spread of counterfeiting. Moreover effort is urgently required on the legal, enforcement and scientific levels. Pharmaceutical companies and agencies have developed measures to protect the medicines and allow fast and reliable analysis of the suspect products. Several means, essentially based on chromatography and spectroscopy, are now at the disposal of the analysts to enable the distinction between genuine and counterfeit products. However the determination of the components and the use of analytical data for forensic purposes still constitute a challenge. The aim of this review article is therefore to point out the intricacy of medicine counterfeiting so that a better understanding can provide solutions to fight more efficiently against it.

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Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec la faculté de droit de l'Université d'Orléans en France.

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Contexte et objectif. L’évasion fiscale a généré des pertes annuelles variant entre 2 et 44 milliards au Canada entre 1976 et 1995. Avec la croissance de l’évasion fiscale dans les années 1980 et 1990 plusieurs législations se sont attaquées à ce phénomène en mettant en place des mesures telles que les amnisties, les réformes fiscales et les nouvelles lois. Ces dernières reposent non seulement sur des principes théoriques distincts, mais leur efficacité même est remise en question. Bien que plusieurs auteurs affirment que les criminels en col blanc sont réceptifs aux sanctions pénales, une telle affirmation repose sur peu de preuves empiriques. L’objectif de ce mémoire est donc de réaliser une synthèse systématique des études évaluatives afin de faire un bilan des lois fiscales et d’évaluer leurs effets sur la fraude fiscale. Méthodologie. La synthèse systématique est la méthodologie considérée comme la plus rigoureuse pour se prononcer sur l’effet produit par une population relativement homogène d’études. Ainsi, 18 bases de données ont été consultées et huit études ont été retenues sur les 23 723 références. Ces huit études contiennent neuf évaluations qui ont estimé les retombés des lois sur 17 indicateurs de fraude fiscale. L’ensemble des études ont été codifiées en fonction du type de loi et leur rigueur méthodologique. La méthode du vote-count fut employée pour se prononcer sur l’efficacité des lois. Résultats. Sur les 17 indicateurs, sept indiquent que les lois n’ont eu aucun effet sur l’évasion fiscale tandis que six témoignent d’effets pervers. Seulement quatre résultats sont favorables aux lois, ce qui laisse présager que ces dernières sont peu efficaces. Toutefois, en scindant les résultats en fonction du type de loi, les réformes fiscales apparaissent comme une mesure efficace contrairement aux lois et amnisties. Conclusion. Les résultats démontrent que les mesures basées sur le modèle économique de Becker et qui rendent le système plus équitable sont prometteuses. Les amnisties qui visent à aller chercher des fraudeurs en leur offrant des avantages économiques et en suspendant les peines sont non seulement inefficaces, mais menaceraient le principe d’autocotisation basé sur l’équité.

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A notificação da violência doméstica pelos profissionais de saúde contribui para o dimensionamento epidemiológico do problema, permitindo o desenvolvimento de programas e ações específicas. O objetivo do trabalho foi verificar a responsabilidade desses profissionais em notificar a violência, especialmente a doméstica e as possíveis implicações legais e éticas a que estão sujeitos. Assim, foi realizada pesquisa na legislação brasileira e códigos de ética da medicina, odontologia, enfermagem e psicologia. Quanto à legislação, as sanções estão dispostas na Lei das Contravenções Penais, Estatuto da Criança e Adolescente, Estatuto do Idoso e na lei que trata da notificação compulsória de violência contra a mulher. Também existem penalidades em todos os códigos de ética analisados. Conclui-se que o profissional de saúde tem o dever de notificar os casos de violência que tiver conhecimento, podendo inclusive responder pela omissão.

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Estudo transversal que avaliou a qualidade dos registros de enfermagem sobre ressuscitação cardiopulmonar. Foram revisados 42 prontuários de pacientes em uma unidade de terapia intensiva, utilizando o protocolo Utstein. Houve predomínio de homens (54,8%), idade de 21 a 70 anos (38,1%), correção de cardiopatias adquiridas (42,7%), com mais de um dispositivo pré-existente (147). Como causa imediata de parada cardiorrespiratória, predominou hipotensão (48,3%) e como ritmo inicial, bradicardia (37,5%). Apenas a hora do óbito e hora da parada foram registradas em 100% da amostra. Não foi registrado treinamento dos profissionais em Suporte Avançado de Vida. As causas da parada e ritmo inicial foram registrados em 69% e 76,2% da amostra. Compressões torácicas, obtenção de vias aéreas pérvias e desfibrilação foram registradas em menos de 16%. Os registros foram considerados de baixa qualidade, podendo incorrer em sanções legais aos profissionais e não permitindo a comparação da efetividade das manobras com outros centros.

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A teoria dos sistemas sociais autorreferenciais é uma teoria sociológica inovadora. Na verdade, trata-se de uma superteoria baseada em premissas construtivistas que se pretende universal, ou seja, capaz de descrever qualquer fenômeno social, incluindo as teorias rivais. O criador da teoria, o sociólogo alemão Niklas Luhmann, escreveu obras sobre uma grande variedade de temas: desde do Direito até a Arte; de uma teoria geral dos sistemas sociais até uma teoria abrangente da sociedade. Como uma teoria de base construtivista, a teoria dos sistemas sociais autorreferenciais observa observações, mais especificamente, observa comunicações. A teoria adota, assim, um fundamento teórico singular que exige novas descrições dos fenômenos sociais, ainda que já tenham sido exaustivamente estudados. Esse é o caso de sanções legais. Luhmann, contudo, não fornece uma descrição sistêmica das sanções legais. Ao invés disso, usa o termo de maneiras diferentes em seus estudos. As sanções a que ele se refere em seus estudos sobre o sistema político parecem estar mais relacionadas à violência física do que aquelas que ele mencionou ao descrever o sistema jurídico. Esta indefinição é, provavelmente, fruto do que chamei \"noção comum de sanção\". A noção comum, menos do que um conceito de sanção, é o acumulado de séculos de esforços para definir medidas de controle social. Portanto, além de vaga, a noção comum de sanção é baseada em premissas que são estranhas à teoria dos sistemas sociais. Assim, é necessária uma nova descrição dos fenômenos sociais associados à noção comum de sanção, a fim de expandir as possibilidades da teoria dos sistemas sociais. A observação desses fenômenos do ponto de vista da teoria dos sistemas sociais autorreferenciais resultou na descrição de não apenas uma, mas de quatro estruturas sociais diferentes. A primeira foi identificada como sanção simbiótica e pode ser tanto negativa - se associada ao uso da violência - como positiva - se associado à satisfação das necessidades. A segunda é o programa do sistema jurídico que cumpre a função de memória no sistema, mantendo assim as expectativas normativas. A terceira estrutura é uma variação da segunda; são programas oriundos dos processos legais que também cumprem função de memória. Estes programas diferem das sanções simbióticas na distância do uso da violência física. Enquanto a sanção simbiótica demonstra claramente a sua conexão com a violência frente à desobediência, os programas apontam para outros programas sancionatórios antes de se referirem à violência física. De um modo muito diferente, o quarto tipo de estrutura social, os programas sancionatórios de exclusão, identificados com as penas privativas de liberdade, estão intimamente ligados à violência física. Estes programas, embora realizem também a função de memória, cumprem outra função: a gestão de exclusão na sociedade moderna.

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This paper provides a general treatment of the implications for welfare of legal uncertainty. We distinguish legal uncertainty from decision errors: though the former can be influenced by the latter, the latter are neither necessary nor sufficient for the existence of legal uncertainty. We show that an increase in decision errors will always reduce welfare. However, for any given level of decision errors, information structures involving more legal uncertainty can improve welfare. This holds always, even when there is complete legal uncertainty, when sanctions on socially harmful actions are set at their optimal level. This transforms radically one’s perception about the “costs” of legal uncertainty. We also provide general proofs for two results, previously established under restrictive assumptions. The first is that Effects-Based enforcement procedures may welfare dominate Per Se (or object-based) procedures and will always do so when sanctions are optimally set. The second is that optimal sanctions may well be higher under enforcement procedures involving more legal uncertainty.

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L’objet de cette étude porte sur la détermination de la sanction à imposer aux policiers ayant été reconnus coupables d’infractions criminelles, sur l’influence de l’article 18.2 de la Charte des droits et libertés de la personne dans cette détermination et sur les méthodes utilisées dans la jurisprudence arbitrale. Deux méthodes de détermination des sanctions s’opposent sur ce sujet, soit la méthode « large et libérale » et la méthode « stricte et littérale ». La méthode de détermination des sanctions « large et libérale » prévoit, entre autres, l’application de l’article 18.2 de la Charte des droits et libertés de la personne. Cette loi est de niveau quasi constitutionnel et prévoit, notamment, l’analyse objective du lien existant entre l’emploi de policier et l’infraction criminelle commise. Quant à la méthode de détermination des sanctions « stricte et littérale », elle résulte de l’application de la Loi sur la police qui est une loi ordinaire prévoyant un régime particulier pour les policiers reconnus coupables d’infractions criminelles. En effet, l’article 119 de la Loi sur la police implique, depuis son remaniement en 2000, la destitution automatique des policiers reconnus coupables d’une infraction criminelle poursuivable uniquement par voie de mise en accusation et la destitution des policiers reconnus coupables d’une infraction criminelle poursuivable soit sur déclaration de culpabilité par procédure sommaire, soit par voie de mise en accusation à moins que le policier ne puisse démontrer que des circonstances particulières ne justifient une mesure différente que la destitution. L’analyse réalisée dans le cadre de cette recherche vise la détermination des sanctions guidant les décisions des arbitres de griefs quant à la situation des policiers accusés et/ou reconnus coupables d’infractions criminelles en cours d’emploi. À cet effet, 25 décisions arbitrales et leurs révisions judiciaires ont été étudiées selon l’analyse de contenu à l’aide d’une grille d’analyse. L’analyse des données obtenues a par la suite été réalisée par l’entremise de l’analyse qualitative.

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This article explores the precarious status of Eritrean and Sudanese nationals in Israel. Having crossed the Israeli-Egyptian border without authorisation and not through an official border crossing, Israeli law defines such individuals as ‘infiltrators’, a charged term which dates back to border-crossings into Israel by Palestinian Fedayeen in the 1950s. Eritreans and Sudanese nationals constitute over 90 percent of ‘infiltrators’ in Israel. Their livelihood is curtailed through hostility, sanctions, and detention, while (at the time of writing) Israel refrains from deporting them to their respective countries of origin, recognising that such forced removal could expose them to risks to their lives and/or freedom. Israel was the 10th state to ratify the 1951 Refugee Convention, and has acceded to its 1967 Protocol which removed the 1951 Convention’s temporal and geographic restrictions, yet it has not incorporated these treaties into its domestic law not has it enacted primary legislation that sets eligibility criteria for ‘refugee’ status and regulates the treatment of asylum-seekers. Israeli law also fails to accord subsidiary protection status to persons that the state considers to be non-removable, whether or not they satisfy the definition of a ‘refugee’ under the 1951 Convention. Absent legal recognition of ‘refugee’, ‘asylum-seeker’, and ‘beneficiary of subsidiary protection’ statuses, Eritreans and Sudanese nationals are left in legal limbo for an indefinite period qua irregular non-removable persons. This article takes stock of their legal predicament.

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This paper discusses the growing attention that, over the last decades, has been given to the administrative procedure in Administrative Law, as it also highlights the procedures which are in tune with the new trappings of this legal field. It focuses on the sanctioning competence of regulatory agencies, notably what concerns the procedural guide that conditions its exercise. It aims at gathering varied elements, many times dispersed over the legal system, so it is possible to list, with a satisfactory degree of detail, the procedural constitutional guidelines which are indispensable to the sanctioning of private entities through punitive action by regulatory agencies. It highlights the due legal process clause, for the abundance of the protective set there is around it, as a guiding constitutional principle for the application of sanctions by regulatory agencies. It examines the repercussion of the constitutional principle of the due legal process on Administrative Law, focusing on the most relevant principles on which the first unfolds itself. It analyzes, in light of the due legal process principle, the sanctioning administrative procedure developed in regulatory agencies. In conclusion, it is asserted that there is no room, in the Brazilian legal system as a whole, for sanctions to be applied summarily; that there reigns, in our system, an absolute presumption, dictated by the Constitution, that only through regular procedures can the best and fairest decision, concerning cases in which the rights of private parties could be affected, be taken by the public administration; that, respecting the principle of the right to a fair hearing, it is indispensable that there be motivation of a decision that imposes a sanction; that there should be, in homage to the principle of full defense and for the need to preserve the autonomy of the regulatory party, an appeal court in every agency; that the principles listed in the federal law No. 9.784/1999 should be mandatorily monitored by the agencies, for this is the only alternative consistent with the Constitution

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The recent financial crisis triggered an increasing demand for financial regulation to counteract the potential negative economic effects of the evermore complex operations and instruments available on financial markets. As a result, insider trading regulation counts amongst the relatively recent but particularly active regulation battles in Europe and overseas. Claims for more transparency and equitable securities markets proliferate, ranging from concerns about investor protection to global market stability. The internationalization of the world’s securities market has challenged traditional notions of regulation and enforcement. Considering that insider trading is currently forbidden all over Europe, this study follows a law and economics approach in identifying how this prohibition should be enforced. More precisely, the study investigates first whether criminal law is necessary under all circumstances to enforce insider trading; second, if it should be introduced at EU level. This study provides evidence of law and economics theoretical logic underlying the legal mechanisms that guide sanctioning and public enforcement of the insider trading prohibition by identifying optimal forms, natures and types of sanctions that effectively induce insider trading deterrence. The analysis further aims to reveal the economic rationality that drives the potential need for harmonization of criminal enforcement of insider trading laws within the European environment by proceeding to a comparative analysis of the current legislations of height selected Member States. This work also assesses the European Union’s most recent initiative through a critical analysis of the proposal for a Directive on criminal sanctions for Market Abuse. Based on the conclusions drawn from its close analysis, the study takes on the challenge of analyzing whether or not the actual European public enforcement of the laws prohibiting insider trading is coherent with the theoretical law and economics recommendations, and how these enforcement practices could be improved.

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During the mid 80 19s and the early 90 19s the Banking sector of the CEMAC sub-region experienced crisis. This could be seen from the numerous liquidation of Banks within the sub-region during this period, microfinance establishments found a place as an alternative financial institution involved in the provision of savings and loans to the masses. The exercise of the activities of microfinance necessitates an application for approval form the monetary authority. Their potential managers and auditors must equally apply and obtain a license before functioning. After this approval has been obtained the microfinance establishment must register with the National Credit Council and the Trade and Personal Property Credit Register. // Durant les années 80 et au début des années 90 le secteur Bancaire de la sous-région CEMAC on vécue une crise, ceci pouvait ce voit par de nombreuse liquidation des Banques au sein de la sous-région pendant cette période. Les Etablissement de Micro finance ont trouve une place comme une institution financière alternative s’impliquant dans la fourniture de l’épargne et des prêts pour la masses. Mais l'exercice de l'activité de microfinance exige une demande d'agrément remise par l'autorité monétaire après confirmation de la commission bancaire. Mais avant que cet agrément soit remis, ils doivent fournir certain documents et informations. Les microfinances sont également oblige de fournir certaines documents et information s'il veut offrir un agence dans un du état membre de la CEMAC. Quand cette agrément est remise il sont les obligations administrative et professionnelle a remplir. Ceci consiste de s’inscrire auprès du Conseil National du Crédit et le Registre du Commerce et du Crédit Mobilier, adhérer a une Association Professionnelle, mais ils sont le choix adhérer à un réseau ou de poursuivre les activités indépendamment. L'autorité monétaire peut unilatéralement retrait la décision d'agrément pour un raison ou l'autre. Cependant, la décision de retrait de l'agrément est assujettir à un appel devant le conseil d'administration de la BEAC. La commission bancaire a prévu un ensemble de sanctions pour s'assurer que une personne ou établissement en défaut soit appelle en ordre. // Cameroon, Micro-finance, CEMAC, COBAC, Legislation

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From the Introduction. This article seeks to examine the relationship between European Union law, international law, and the protection of fundamental rights in the light of recent case law of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) and the Court of First Instance (CFI) relating to economic sanctions against individuals. On 3 September 2008, the ECJ delivered its long-awaited judgment in Kadi and Al Barakaat on appeal from the CFI.3 In its judgment under appeal,4 the CFI had held that the European Community (EC) is competent to adopt regulations imposing economic sanctions against private organisations in pursuance of UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolutions seeking to combat terrorism; that although the EC is not bound directly by the UN Charter, it is bound pursuant to the EC Treaty to respect international law and give effect to UNSC; and that the CFI has jurisdiction to examine the compatibility of EC regulations implementing UNSC resolutions with fundamental rights not as protected by the EC but as protected by jus cogens. On appeal, following the Opinion of Maduro AG, the ECJ rejected the CFI’s approach. It held that UNSC resolutions are binding only in international law. It subjected the contested regulations to full review under EC human rights standards and found them in breach of the right to a hearing, the right to judicial protection and the right to property. Kadi and Al Barakaat is the most important judgment ever delivered by the ECJ on the relationship between EC and international law and one of its most important judgments on fundamental rights. It is imbued by constitutional confidence, commitment to the rule of law but also some scepticism towards international law. In the meantime, the CFI has delivered a number of other judgments on anti-terrorist sanctions assessing the limits of the “emergency constitution” at European level. The purpose of this paper is to examine the above case law and explore the dilemmas and tensions facing the EU judiciary in seeking to define and protect the EU’s distinct constitutional space. It is divided as follows. It first looks at the judgment in Kadi. After a short presentation of the factual and legal background, it explores the question whether the EU has competence to adopt smart sanctions. It then examines whether the EU is bound by resolutions of the Security Council, whether the ECJ has jurisdiction to review Community measures implementing such resolutions and the applicable standard of judicial scrutiny. It analyses the contrasting views of the CFI, the Advocate General, and the ECJ taking account also of the case law of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). Further, it explores the consequences of annulling the contested regulation. It then turns to discussing CFI case law in relation to sanctions lists drawn up not by the UN Security Council but by the EC. The paper concludes by welcoming the judgment of the ECJ. Whilst its reasoning on the issue of Community competence is questionable, once such competence is established, it is difficult to support the abrogation of Community standards for the protection of fundamental rights. Such standards should ensure procedural due process whilst recognising the importance of public security.