The Social Commitment Of The New Leftist Poets

Hindi

The Aboriginal voice and the left-leaning 'Australia' (Baz Luhrmann, 2008)

Arguing that Baz Luhrmann's "Australia" (2008) is a big-budget, non-independent film espousing a left-leaning political ideology in its non-racist representations of Aborigines on film, this paper suggests the addition of a 'fourth formation' to the 1984 Moore and Muecke model is warranted. According to their theorising, racist "first formation" films promote policies of assimilation whereas "second formation" films avoid overt political statements in favour of more acceptable multicultural liberalism. Moore and Muecke's seemingly ultimate "third formation films", however, blatantly foreground the director's leftist political dogma in a necessarily low budget, independent production. "Australia", on the other hand, is an advance on the third formation because its feminised Aboriginal voice is safely backed by a colossal production budget and indicates a transformation in public perceptions of Aboriginal issues. Furthermore, this paper argues that the use of low-cost post-production techniques such as voice-over narration by racially appropriate individuals and the use of diegetic song in Australia work to ensure the positive reception of the left-leaning message regarding the Stolen Generations. With these devices Luhrmann effectively counters the claims of right-wing denialists such as Andrew Bolt and Keith Windschuttle.

Mapping Australian journalism culture : results from a survey of journalists’ role perceptions

Research on journalists’ characteristics, values, attitudes and role perceptions has expanded manifold since the first large-scale survey in the United States in the 1970s. Scholars around the world have investigated the work practices of a large variety of journalists, to the extent that we now have a sizeable body of evidence in this regard. Comparative research across cultures, however, has only recently begun to gain ground, with scholars interested in concepts of journalism culture in an age of globalisation. As part of a wider, cross-cultural effort, this study reports the results of a survey of 100 Australian journalists in order to paint a picture of the way journalists see their role in society. Such a study is important due to the relative absence of large-scale surveys of Australian journalists since Henningham’s (1993) seminal work. This paper reports some important trends in the Australian news media since the early 1990s, with improvements in gender balance and journalists now being older, better educated, and holding more leftist political views. In locating Australian journalism culture within the study’s framework, some long-held assumptions are reinforced, with journalists following traditional values of objectivity, passive reporting and the ideal of the fourth estate.

Playing "Nordic": The Women of Niskavuori, Agri/Culture, and Imagining Finland on the Third Reich Stage

The theatrical censorship of the Third Reich considered the playwright's race and politics alongside the content of the drama. Given the political stigma of its "leftist" author, it is rather surprising that Hella Wuolijoki's Niskavuoren naiset opened in 1938 at the Staatliches Schauspielhaus in Hamburg. The play ran for fourteen performances before being closed by the Reichsdramaturgie, apparently at the instigation of Finnish critics. Yet this was not the end of the play's or its author's fortunes in the Third Reich, as the possibility of staging the play was raised several times over the next four years, coming to a close in 1942. Playing "Nordic" examines the ideological and theatrical background of this extended "cultural performance," as a means to reopening and reconstructing the work of the 1938 Die Frauen auf Niskavuori. Written by a Finnish, northern, "Nordic" author, and preoccupied with the dynamics of rural culture in an increasingly urbanized world, Niskavuoren naiset was understood in the Third Reich to illustrate and reinforce the racial, agri/cultural themes of Blut und Boden ("veri ja maa"). Playing "Nordic" examines this thematic relationship in three phases. The first phase uses archival materials to investigate the Reichsdramaturgie's understanding of the play and its author, and its ongoing discussion of Wuolijoki from 1937 to 1942. Play evaluator Sigmund Graff's description of Niskavuoren naiset as hamsunartig, or "Hamsun-esque," inspires the second phase of the dissertation, which first elaborates the meanings of Blut und Boden through a reading of contemporary "racial" theory and anthropology, and then assesses the representation of Finland within this discourse, one of the dominant cultural paradigms of the Third Reich. Imaging Finland for German audiences, the play stood among analogous, continued efforts to represent Finland and the rural life in the Third Reich, colored by Blut und Boden: art and agricultural exhibitions, essays and propaganda literature, mass demonstrations of the peasantry. This wider framework for the performance of "Finland" materializes the abstract or theoretical program of Blut und Boden in its everyday performed meanings; as such it provides the essential background for reading the Hamburg production of Die Frauen auf Niskavuori, which sustains the third and final phase. The German translation and the Hamburg photographic record are compared with the Helsinki premiere to assess the impact of Blut und Boden on the representation of Wuolijoki's play in the Third Reich. The journalistic critical response illuminates the effect that the dramatic complex of rural and racial values - generically identified as Bauerndrama in the Third Reich - had on the reception of the play; at the same time, both visual and critical documents also suggest possible moments of theatrical dissent in the Hamburg production. Playing "Nordic" undertakes a documentary and cultural reading of the changing theatrical meanings of Wuolijoki's Niskavuoren naiset as it crossed the frontier from Finland to the stage of the Third Reich. It also provides a model for the ways theatrical signification operates within a network of cultural and ideological meanings, suggesting the ideological work of theatrical production depends on, reinforces, and contests that tissue of values. Although Finnish criticism of Niskavuoren naiset has assumed the play's Blut und Boden resonance contributed to Wuolijoki's success in the Third Reich, this study shows a considerably more complex situation. This revealing production dramatizes the changing uses of plays in a politicized national and transnational context. As part of the framing of "Nordic" identity on the wider stage of the Third Reich, Die Frauen auf Niskavuori exemplifies the conjunction of concurrent - sometimes independent, sometimes interlocking - "racial" and national ideologies.

"Politiikka on kirkossa" : Keskustapuolueen kirkkopoliittisten tavoitteiden muotoutuminen vuosina 1966–1978

This study in church history deals with the formation of aims in the church politics of the Centre Party during a period of extensive politicisation in Finnish society – 1966 to 1978. The focus is on the processes of creating political input within the party organisation. The most important source material consists of the records of the highest party organs as well as material from the party office and the party’s committee for church politics. In the late 1960s, at a time of leftist radicalism in Finnish society, issues concerning the Church were seldom dealt with in the highest party organs, even though informal discussion took place within the party. This phase was followed by a conservative reaction in society during the 1970s. The rightist trend as well as the ongoing politicisation process substantially strengthened the role of church politics in the party. An aim of great importance was to prevent those supporters who belonged to the Lutheran revival movements from moving into the Finnish Christian League. Therefore it became increasingly important to prove that the Centre Party was defending the Church as well as so-called Christian values in state politics, e.g., by advocating religious instruction in schools. The Centre Party also defended the independence and legal status of the Church, at the same time positioning itself against Finland’s Social Democratic Party. Many party members were of the opinion that the church politics should have been about defending the Church and Christian values in state politics instead of defending the proportional share of the party’s seats in the ecclesiastical decision-making system. Nevertheless, the struggle for hegemony between the Centre Party and the Social Democrats was reflected in the Evangelical Lutheran Church particularly since 1973. Thus the aims of church politics were increasingly directed towards ecclesiastical elections and appointments in the 1970s. To justify its activities in church elections, the party stressed that it was not politicising the Church. To the contrary, it was asserted that the church leaders themselves had politicised the Church by favouring the Social Democrats. These alleged efforts to affiliate the Church with one political party were strictly condemned in the Centre Party. But when it came to the political parties’ activity in church elections, opinions diverged. Generally, the issues of church politics resembled those of the party’s trade union politics in the 1970s.

Valoa itään? : Kansanlähetys ja Neuvostoliitto 1967-1973

Light to the East? The Finnish Lutheran Mission and the Soviet Union 1967 1973 The Cold War affected the lives of Christian churches, especially in Europe. Besides the official ecumenical relations between east and west, there existed unofficial activity from west to east, such as smuggling Bibles and distributing information about the severe condition of human rights in the USSR. This study examines this kind of unofficial activity originating in Finland. It especially concentrates on the missionary work to the Soviet Union done by the Finnish Lutheran Mission (FLM, Suomen Evankelisluterilainen Kansanlähetys) founded in 1967. The work for Eastern Europe was organised through the Department for the Slavic Missions. FLM was founded within the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland, but it was not connected to the church on an organisational level. In addition to the strong emphasis on the Lutheran confession, FLM presented evangelical theology. The fundamental work of the Department for the Slavic Missions was to organise the smuggling of Bibles and other Christian literature to the Soviet Union and other countries behind the iron curtain. They also financed several Christian radio programmes produced and aired mainly by the international Trans World Radio. The Department diversified its activity to humanitarian help by distributing material help such as clothes and shoes to the unregistered evangelical and baptist groups, which were called the underground churches . In Finland the Department focused on information services. It published its own magazine, Valoa idässä (Light in the East), 5 to 6 times per year. Through the magazine and by distributing samizdat material received from the unregistered Christian groups, it discussed and reported the violations of human rights in the Soviet Union, especially when the unregistered Christian groups were considered the victims. The resistance against the Soviet Union was not as much political but religious: the staff of the Department were religious and revivalist young people who thought, for instance, that communism was in some way an apocalyptic world power revealed in the Bible. Smuggling Bibles was discussed widely in the Finnish media and even in parliament and the Finnish Security Police (SUPO, Suojelupoliisi) and in the Lutheran Church. From the church s point of view, this kind of missionary work was understandable but bothersome. Through their ecumenical connections, the bishops knew the critical situation of churches behind the iron curtain very well, but wanted to act diplomatically and cautiously to prevent causing harm to ecumenical or political relations. The leftist media and members of parliament especially accused the work of the Department of being illegal and endangering relations between Finland and the Soviet Union. SUPO did not consider the work of the Department as illegal activity or as a threat to Finnish national security.

Sukupolvien ongelma : Tutkielmia sukupolven käsitteestä, sukupolvitietoisuudesta ja suurista ikäluokista

The aims of the thesis are (1) to present a systematic evaluation of generation and its relevance as a sociological concept, (2) to reflect on how generational consciousness, i.e. generation as an object of collective identification that has social significance, can emerge and take shape, (3) to analyze empirically the generational experiences and consciousness of one specific generation, namely Finnish baby boomers (b. 1945 1950). The thesis contributes to the discussion on the social (as distinct from its genealogical) meaning of the concept of generation, launched by Karl Mannheim s classic Das Problem der Generationen (1928), in which the central idea is that a certain group of people is bonded together by a shared experience and that this bonding can result in a distinct self-consciousness. The thesis is comprised of six original articles and an extensive summarizing chapter. In the empirical articles, the baby boomers are studied on the basis of nationally representative survey data (N = 2628) and narrative life-story interviews (N = 38). In the article that discusses the connection of generations and social movements, the analysis is based on the member survey of Attac Finland (N = 1096). Three main themes were clarified in the thesis. (1) In the social sense the concept of generation is a modern, problematic, and ultimately a political concept. It served the interests of the intellectuals who developed the concept in the early 20th century and provided them, as an alternative to the concept of social class, a new way of think about social change and progress. The concept of generation is always coupled with the concept of Zeitgeist or some other controversial way of defining what is essential, i.e. what creates generations, in a given culture. Thus generation is, as a product of definition and classification struggles, a contested concept. The concept also clearly implies elitist connotations; the idea of some kind of vanguard (the elite) that represents an entire generation by proclaiming itself as its spokesman automatically creates a counterpart, namely the others in the peer group who are thought to be represented (the masses). (2) Generational consciousness cannot emerge as a result of any kind of automatic process or endogenously; it must be made. There has to be somebody who represents the generation in order for that generation to exist in people s minds and as an object of identification; generational experiences and their meanings must be articulated. Hence, social generations are, in a fundamental manner, discursively constructed. The articulations of generational experiences (speeches, writings, manifests, labels etc.) can be called as the discursive dimension of social generations, and through this notion, how public discourse shapes people s generational consciousness can be seen. Another important element in the process is collective memory, as generational consciousness often takes form only retrospectively. (3) Finnish baby boomers are not a united or homogeneous generation but are divided into many smaller sections with specific generational experiences and consciousnesses. The content of the generational consciousness of the baby boomers is heavily politically charged. A salient dividing line inside the age group is formed by individual attitudes towards so-called 1960s radicalism. Identification with the 1960s generation functions today as a positive self-definition of a certain small leftist elite group, and the values and characteristics usually connected with the idea of the 1960s generation do not represent the whole age group. On the contrary, among some of the members of the baby boomers, the generational identification is still directed by the experience of how traditional values were disgraced in the 1960s. As objects of identification, the neutral term baby boomers and the charged 1960s generation are totally different things, and therefore they should not be used as synonyms. Although the significance of the group of the 1960s generation is often overestimated, they are however special with respect to generational consciousness because they have presented themselves as the voice of the entire generation. Their generational interpretations have spread through the media with the help of certain iconic images of the generation insomuch that 1960s radicalism has become an indirect generational experience for other parts of the baby boom cohort as well.

Talouskäsitysten vaikutus hallituksen suosioon Puolassa 2006–2007

Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan äänestäjien talouskäsitysten vaikutusta hallituksen suosioon Puolassa vuosina 2006 ja 2007. Tutkimusasetelma juontaa juurensa poliittisten suhdannevaihteluiden teoriaan, jonka mukaan poliitikot pyrkivät manipuloimaan taloutta vaalien alla tullakseen uudelleen valituiksi. Vastuullisuushypoteesin mukaan äänestäjät palkitsevat poliitikot hyvästä taloustilanteesta. Näin ollen mikäli äänestäjät ovat tyytyväisiä talouteen he äänestävät hallitusta. Mikäli eivät, he äänestävät oppositiota. Miten äänestäjät sitten tekevät arvionsa taloudesta? Tutkielmassa selvitetään vaikuttiko äänestäjien mielipiteisiin käsitys nykyisestä vai tulevaisuuden taloustilanteesta. Käsitys nykyisestä taloustilanteesta perustuu havaintoihin jo toteutuneesta talouspolitiikasta. Tätä käsitystä kutsutaan retrospektiiviseksi näkemykseksi. Prospektiiviset talousnäkemykset koostuvat näkemyksestä ja odotuksista talouden tulevasta tilasta ja uskosta hallituksen kykyyn tarjota paras vaihtoehto suotuisalle talouskehitykselle. Aikaulottuvuuden lisäksi tutkielmassa testataan, vaikuttaako äänestäjiin enemmän heidän oma taloustilanteensa vai näkemys yleisestä talouden tilanteesta. Mikäli hallituksen suosio perustuu näkemyksiin henkilökohtaisen talouden tilasta, ovat äänestäjät egotrooppisia. Mikäli kannatuspäätös perustuu näkemykseen kansantalouden tilasta, ovat äänestäjät puolestaan sosiotrooppisia. Aineistona tutkielmassa käytetään uusinta saatavilla olevaa Puolan mielipidetiedustelun (Centrum Badania Opinii Publicznej) keräämää kyselyaineistoa vuosilta 2006 ja 2007. Tutkielmassa on yhdistetty kyselyaineistot 22:n kuukauden ajalta. Aineistoa on analysoitu logistisen regressioanalyysin menetelmin. Tutkielman perusteella talousnäkemyksistä suurin vaikutus hallituksen suosioon on äänestäjien näkemyksillä kansantalouden tulevaisuuden tilasta. Henkilökohtaisen talouden osalta positiiviset tulevaisuudennäkymät vaikuttavat positiivisesti myös hallituksen kannatukseen. Retrospektiivinen arvio henkilökohtaisesta taloudesta toimii kuitenkin teorian vastaisesti; oman taloudellisen tilanteen hyväksi arvioineiden todennäköisyys kannatta hallitusta oli pienempää kuin niillä, jotka arvioivat oman taloustilanteensa huonoksi. Kontrollimuuttujiksi valittiin joukko aiemmassa tutkimuksessa äänestyskäyttäytymiseen Puolassa vaikuttaneita tekijöitä. Näitä olivat ikä, sukupuoli, koulutus, asuinpaikka, näkemys työllisyystilanteesta, ideologinen sijoittuminen oikeisto–vasemmisto-akselilla sekä uskonnollisuus. Kontrollimuuttujista merkitseviksi osoittautuivat uskonnollisuus, oikeisto–vasemmisto-ideologia, koulutus, asuinpaikka sekä ikä. Kun edellä mainitut taustamuuttujat on kontrolloitu, taloustekijät selittävät noin viidesosan hallituksen kannatuksen todennäköisyyden vaihtelusta.

La participación política de los intelectuales durante la transición democrática : el Grupo Esmeralda y el prresidente Alfonsín

Resumen: El presente artículo tiene por objeto analizar las relaciones que se establecieron entre un grupo de intelectuales de izquierda y el presidente radical Raúl Alfonsín durante la transición democrática en la Argentina. Se describirán en primer lugar los desplazamientos teóricos de la izquierda intelectual marcados por el exilio mexicano; en segundo lugar, las características del campo cultural en la transición democrática en los ochenta, centrándose en la producción de los intelectuales vinculados con la revista Punto de Vista y el Club de Cultura Socialista y, por último, los vínculos que se establecieron entre el presidente Alfonsín y los intelectuales de la izquierda renovada, analizando los dilemas ético-políticos que debieron enfrentar. La construcción de sentido en torno a un personaje político, en el que los intelectuales veían la posibilidad de que se convirtiera en un moderno líder socialdemócrata, es la hipótesis a partir de la cual intenta explicarse la vinculación, siguiendo las teorías de Pierre Bourdieu.

Teorías de elección racional : el caso del Frente Amplio y las plantas de celulosa

El presente artículo hace foco sobre la campaña electoral del Frente Amplio de 2004, y busca determinar en qué medida las estrategias electorales adoptadas impactaron sobre la forma en que esa fuerza política se definió, a lo largo de ella, acerca de la posible instalación de dos plantas de celulosa en las cercanías de Fray Bentos. En ese sentido, se afirma que se habrían implementado dos estrategias complementarias. Por un lado, una moderación de posiciones con el fin de ampliar la tradicional base electoral de izquierda. Por otro lado, una estrategia de indefinición frente a determinadas cuestiones con el fin de no activar diversas contradicciones internas. Este rumbo de acción fue el escogido frente a la cuestión de las plantas de celulosa. La ausencia de una postura oficial permitió que los distintos elementos constituyentes de la coalición se expidieran libremente sobre la cuestión. Si bien eran mayoritarios los sectores favorables a los emprendimientos, sus detractores sostendrían un papel mucho más activo, dando posteriormente lugar a interpretaciones erróneas acerca de la posición asumida por el Frente Amplio a lo largo del período estudiado.

En las raíces ideológicas de Montoneros : John William Cooke lee a Gramsci en Cuba

Desde 1945 la izquierda argentina no pudo resolver el enigma planteado por el hecho de que la clase obrera era peronista. Varios intentos teóricos fracasaron antes de que John William Cooke hiciera el suyo a mediados de los años sesenta. Influenciado por Gramsci, consideró que la clase obrera es una categoría histórica, por lo que el peronismo era la experiencia histórica de la clase obrera argentina y, como tal, revolucionario. Neutralizó el papel político de Perón convirtiéndolo en el símbolo de la identidad peronista. Por esto, la teoría de Cooke fue clave para que guerrilleros de izquierda se declararan peronistas sin que les importaran las opiniones e intenciones políticas de Perón. Las limitaciones de esa teoría quedaron expuestas cuando el general regresó a la Argentina y fue electo presidente por tercera vez.

Internacionalização econômica e coalizões políticas

A tese analisa a relação entre liberalização do comércio exterior, formação de coalizões políticas e restrições a políticas econômicas redistributivas. Na primeira parte, são analisados três momentos do processo de liberalização do Brasil: (i) a implementação do cronograma de liberalização formulado em 1990 pelo governo de Fernando Collor; (ii) as negociações para a criação da Área de Livre Comércio das Américas lançadas em 1994; e (iii) as negociações da Rodada Doha da Organização Mundial do Comércio lançadas em 2001. Na segunda parte, se comparam as restrições enfrentadas pela coalizão de esquerda eleita no Brasil em 2002 com as enfrentadas por outros governos de esquerda na América do Sul. As hipóteses são que as (i) coalizões políticas, na liberalização do comércio exterior, dependem da etapa do processo de abertura, que altera os efeitos do comércio sobre a renda e as políticas à disposição dos grupos para defenderem-se, e (ii) da estrutura do setor produtivo. Na segunda etapa, a hipótese é que (iii) abertura restringe políticas redistributivas mais profundas, mas não qualquer política heterodoxa.

Do triunfalismo à burocratização: a despolitização da reforma sanitária brasileira.

Essa dissertação trata da trajetória da Reforma Sanitária Brasileira (RSB), desde o período de sua formulação inicial (final dos anos 70, início dos anos 80), até o décimo ano de sua implantação, 1998. Busca verificar nesta trajetória especialmente como foi tratada a questão do direito social à saúde. Ao traçar a trajetória histórica da Reforma, aponta características particulares do processo político que a viabilizou. Entre tais características são realçadas, por exemplo, a conjuntura politicamente favorável da redemocratização do país em que se realizou a Oitava Conferência Nacional de Saúde, da qual saiu o projeto inicial da RSB. É destacada, ainda, a existência de uma "frente sanitária" que envolveu diversos setores sociais mobilizados em torno da bandeira "saúde é direito de todos e dever do Estado", e o fato de intelectuais médicos de formação ou militância de esquerda terem liderado a "frente". A dissertação procura demonstrar que a falta de definição precisa dos direitos sociais à saúde e dos mecanismos de proteção ou tutela desses direitos vem enfraquecendo as possibilidades de sucesso da Reforma Sanitária Brasileira na atual conjuntura. Tal insuficiência, presente desde a fase de formulação do projeto da Reforma, vem contribuindo para despolitizar a condução do processo de implantação da reforma, o qual enfatiza questões gerenciais de pouco apelo popular. O desenvolvimento do tema envolve tanto a discussão de questões conceituais de ciência política (capítulo 2) e relativas à concepção dos direitos de cidadania, com ênfase nos direitos sociais (capítulo 3), quanto procedimentos empíricos, como o estudo do conteúdo: das resoluções de três conferências nacionais de saúde: da legislação social brasileira; e das resoluções do Conselho Nacional de Saúde, entre 1991 e 1998.

Do triunfalismo à burocratização: a despolitização da reforma sanitária brasileira.

Essa dissertação trata da trajetória da Reforma Sanitária Brasileira (RSB), desde o período de sua formulação inicial (final dos anos 70, início dos anos 80), até o décimo ano de sua implantação, 1998. Busca verificar nesta trajetória especialmente como foi tratada a questão do direito social à saúde. Ao traçar a trajetória histórica da Reforma, aponta características particulares do processo político que a viabilizou. Entre tais características são realçadas, por exemplo, a conjuntura politicamente favorável da redemocratização do país em que se realizou a Oitava Conferência Nacional de Saúde, da qual saiu o projeto inicial da RSB. É destacada, ainda, a existência de uma "frente sanitária" que envolveu diversos setores sociais mobilizados em torno da bandeira "saúde é direito de todos e dever do Estado", e o fato de intelectuais médicos de formação ou militância de esquerda terem liderado a "frente". A dissertação procura demonstrar que a falta de definição precisa dos direitos sociais à saúde e dos mecanismos de proteção ou tutela desses direitos vem enfraquecendo as possibilidades de sucesso da Reforma Sanitária Brasileira na atual conjuntura. Tal insuficiência, presente desde a fase de formulação do projeto da Reforma, vem contribuindo para despolitizar a condução do processo de implantação da reforma, o qual enfatiza questões gerenciais de pouco apelo popular. O desenvolvimento do tema envolve tanto a discussão de questões conceituais de ciência política (capítulo 2) e relativas à concepção dos direitos de cidadania, com ênfase nos direitos sociais (capítulo 3), quanto procedimentos empíricos, como o estudo do conteúdo: das resoluções de três conferências nacionais de saúde: da legislação social brasileira; e das resoluções do Conselho Nacional de Saúde, entre 1991 e 1998.

A Folha de S. Paulo e os protestos pelo impeachment de Collor

A presente dissertação tem como objetivo observar as representações construídas pelo jornal Folha de S. Paulo sobre o conjunto de protestos de rua, ocorrido nos meses de agosto e setembro de 1992, que influenciou o processo de impeachment do presidente Collor. A pesquisa também questionou o interesse e atuação do jornal em relação a Collor desde as eleições de 1989 até o impeachment. Para responder a tais problemas, o trabalho mobilizou os conceitos de hegemonia e imprensa como partido político, propostos por Gramsci, o conceito de campo jornalístico, de Bourdieu, e o de agenda-setting, delineado por McCombs e Shaw. A historiografia consultada abordou o contexto histórico anterior ao governo Collor, as relações entre o presidente e os grandes veículos de imprensa do país, a história do periódico e o papel dos movimentos sociais no processo de impeachment. A revisão bibliográfica, apoiada pela leitura de editoriais do jornal, constatou que ele apoiava medidas neoliberais, como as privatizações das empresas públicas e o fim de mecanismos protecionistas do Estado à indústria nacional, que foram implementadas por Collor. Porém, o periódico fazia oposição ao presidente devido ao fracasso da sua política econômica e a sua postura autoritária em relação às críticas jornalísticas. Para perceber a visão da Folha de S. Paulo sobre os movimentos sociais, a pesquisa examinou textos editoriais e o conteúdo publicado no caderno Folhateen, voltado ao público jovem, durante os meses de julho a setembro de 1992. As análises mostraram que, em um primeiro momento, o jornal viu as manifestações com desconfiança. Posteriormente, com o seu crescimento, ele passou a apoiá-las e procurou influenciar a sua direção, diminuindo a importância dos partidos e entidades sindicais e estudantis de esquerda nas suas narrações dos protestos.