999 resultados para Lainé, Jos.-Louis-Joach.
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["L'Ouvrage devait avoir 24 volumes."-Lorenz, t. 3.]
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Tuomioistuimissa käsiteltävissä rikosasioissa tulee usein eteen tilanteita, joissa rikokseen sovellettava lainsäädäntö on rikoksen tekohetken jälkeen joiltain osin muuttunut. Suomessa on vakiintuneesti katsottu, että tällöin sovelletaan pääsääntöisesti rikoksen tekohetken lakia. Jos lainsäädäntö on muuttunut syytetylle edullisemmaksi, tulee kuitenkin tämä tuomitsemishetken lievempi laki sovellettavaksi. Tätä kutsutaan siis rikosoikeuden lievemmän lain periaatteeksi. Sääntö on perusajatukseltaan yksinkertainen, mutta siihen liittyy monia kysymyksiä, joihin lain sanamuoto ei anna vastausta. Tämän kirjoituksen tarkoitus on tuoda esiin näitä kysymyksiä, ja mahdollisimman paljon pyrkiä myös vastaamaan niihin. Lievemmän lain periaatteen soveltamisen ulkopuolelle jäävät lain mukaan määräaikaisiksi tarkoitetut kriminalisoinnit sekä blankorangaistussäännökset. Myös prosessuaaliset seikat on jätetty periaatteen soveltamisalan ulkopuolelle, joitain syyteoikeutta koskevia poikkeuksia lukuun ottamatta. Lakien vertailu tehdään kussakin yksittäistapauksessa erikseen. Tuomioistuimen tulee suorittaa huolellinen soveltamiskoe ja ratkaista asia kokeellisesti kummankin sääntelyn mukaan. Soveltamiskokeessa joudutaan usein arvioimaan tunnusmerkistöissä ja määritelmissä tai yleisissä opeissa tapahtuneita muutoksia. Lopputulosten vertailussa tarkasteltavaksi tulevat niin päärangaistus kuin mahdolliset oheisseuraamukset ja turvaamistoimenpiteetkin. Erimielisyyttä vallitsee kuitenkin siitä, tuleeko ratkaisussa soveltaa vain toisen ajan lainsäädäntöä, vai voidaanko eri aikoina voimassa olleista lainsäädännöistä poimia syytetylle edullisempia palasia ja soveltaa niitä yhdessä. Itse olen sitä mieltä, että tuomioistuimen olisi valittava joko tekohetken tai tuomitsemishetken lainsäädäntö ja sovellettava sitä kokonaisuutena. KP -sopimuksen 15 artikla edellyttää periaatteen soveltamista myös muutoksenhaussa. Näyttäisi siltä, että joissain tapauksissa periaatetta olisi sovellettava vielä lainvoimaisen tuomion täytäntöönpanossakin.
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Comprend : Hommage au R.P. Louis Gravoueille ; Henri de Guise
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Incluye bibliografía.
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Louis Nowra wrote 'Radiance' especially for the three actors who performed it in the play’s premier season at Belvoir Street Theatre in September 1993. And the Currency Press playscript / programme produced for that season foregrounds these three performers – Rachael Maza, Lydia Miller and Rhoda Roberts – in such a way that the usual distinction between dramatis personae and the actors who play them is considerably diminished. Both the blurb on the back cover and Nowra’s introduction emphasise this special relationship between text and actors, but it is the front cover shot which particularly reflects the conjunction between the two. Rather than depicting a scene from performance, or a ‘graphic’ suggesting something of the play’s thematic content, the front cover of Radiance features the three actors in a posed promotional shot. Arms joined warmly, lovingly, about each other’s waist, bodies turned away from but faces towards the camera, it is the actors we see, not their characters. It’s a very joyful image; they’re positively beaming. Radiant. They look as if they could really be the three half-sisters they portray, except that such moments of blithe sorority are just about non-existent in the play.
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This is an edited version of an interview recorded for Canadian Theatre Review in 1992. By that time Nowra had established a reputation as one of Australia's foremost playwrights. Part of the generation which succeeded the New Wave of the late 1960s and early 1970s, Nowra became known for a stylistic inventiveness which placed him outside the tradition of realist playwriting in Australia. The international outlook in his early plays, and the fact that he was not exclusively preoccupied with Australian settings and subject matter, was often a focal point in critical accounts of his work. In this interview Nowra discusses his 'internationalism', and a range of topics including the playwriting process; the presence of landscape in his plays; and the autobiographical elements in his work.
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What is the secret mesmerism that death possesses and under the operation of which a modern architect – strident, confident, resolute – becomes rueful, pessimistic, or melancholic?1 Five years before Le Corbusier’s death at sea in 1965, the architect reluctantly agreed to adopt the project for L’Église Saint-Pierre de Firminy in Firminy-Vert (1960–2006), following the death of its original architect, André Sive, from leukemia in 1958.2 Le Corbusier had already developed, in 1956, the plan for an enclave in the new “green” Firminy town, which included his youth and culture center and a stadium and swimming pool; the church and a “boîte à miracles” near the youth center were inserted into the plan in the ’60s. (Le Corbusier was also invited, in 1962, to produce another plan for three Unités d’Habitation outside Firminy-Vert.) The Saint-Pierre church should have been the zenith of the quartet (the largest urban concentration of works by Le Corbusier in Europe, and what the architect Henri Ciriani termed Le Corbusier’s “acropolis”3) but in the early course of the project, Le Corbusier would suffer the diocese’s serial objections to his vision for the church – not unlike the difficulties he experienced with Notre Dame du Haut at Ronchamp (1950–1954) and the resistance to his proposed monastery of Sainte-Marie de la Tourette (1957–1960). In 1964, the bishop of Saint-Étienne requested that Le Corbusier relocate the church to a new site, but Le Corbusier refused and the diocese subsequently withdrew from the project. (With neither the approval, funds, nor the participation of the bishop, by then the cardinal archbishop of Lyon, the first stone of the church was finally laid on the site in 1970.) Le Corbusier’s ambivalence toward the project, even prior to his quarrels with the bishop, reveals...
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This work examines the urban modernization of San José, Costa Rica, between 1880 and 1930, using a cultural approach to trace the emergence of the bourgeois city in a small Central American capital, within the context of order and progress. As proposed by Henri Lefebvre, Manuel Castells and Edward Soja, space is given its rightful place as protagonist. The city, subject of this study, is explored as a seat of social power and as the embodiment of a cultural transformation that took shape in that space, a transformation spearheaded by the dominant social group, the Liberal elite. An analysis of the product built environment allows us to understand why the city grew in a determined manner: how the urban space became organized and how its infrastructure and services distributed. Although the emphasis is on the Liberal heyday from 1880-1930, this study also examines the history of the city since its origins in the late colonial period through its consolidation as a capital during the independent era, in order to characterize the nineteenth century colonial city that prevailed up to 1890 s. A diverse array of primary sources including official acts, memoirs, newspaper sources, maps and plans, photographs, and travelogues are used to study the initial phase of San Jose s urban growth. The investigation places the first period of modern urban growth at the turn of the nineteenth century within the prevailing ideological and political context of Positivism and Liberalism. The ideas of the city s elite regarding progress were translated into and reflected in the physical transformation of the city and in the social construction of space. Not only the transformations but also the limits and contradictions of the process of urban change are examined. At the same time, the reorganization of the city s physical space and the beginnings of the ensanche are studied. Hygiene as an engine of urban renovation is explored by studying the period s new public infrastructure (including pipelines, sewer systems, and the use of asphalt pavement) as part of the Saneamiento of San José. The modernization of public space is analyzed through a study of the first parks, boulevards and monuments and the emergence of a new urban culture prominently displayed in these green spaces. Parks and boulevards were new public and secular places of power within the modern city, used by the elite to display and educate the urban population into the new civic and secular traditions. The study goes on to explore the idealized image of the modern city through an analysis of European and North American travelogues and photography. The new esthetic of theatrical-spectacular representation of the modern city constructed a visual guide of how to understand and come to know the city. A partial and selective image of generalized urban change presented only the bourgeois facade and excluded everything that challenged the idea of progress. The enduring patterns of spatial and symbolic exclusion built into Costa Rica s capital city at the dawn of the twentieth century shed important light on the long-term political social and cultural processes that have created the troubled urban landscapes of contemporary Latin America.