1000 resultados para Joseph Roth


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Ce présent mémoire est animé par une forte conviction : les frontières disciplinaires entre les sociologues et les écrivains ne doivent pas se transmuer en barbelés obstruant un éclairage de sens renouvelé sur la réalité sociale. Alors qu’au tournant du siècle dernier, le roman réaliste et la sociologie allemande se sont mutuellement inspirés, au fil du temps les canaux de communication se sont progressivement brouillés. Notre démarche consiste donc à renouer avec la tradition du monde germanophone à l’orée du 20e siècle, période au cours de laquelle la sociologie émerge comme discipline propre. Plus précisément, nous chercherons à faire converser les deux régimes d’écriture afin d’une part, d’explorer les vertus cognitives de la littérature pour la sociologie et d’autre part de mieux comprendre comment les hommes contemporains aux premiers sociologues entrevoyaient l’époque des temps modernes. Pour ce faire, nous nous appuierons sur la sociologie de Max Weber (1864-1920), un des pères fondateurs de la discipline, ainsi que sur l’analyse de trois romans réalistes, signés par deux romanciers germanophones du début du 20e siècle, c’est-à-dire Joseph Roth (1894-1939) et Thomas Mann (1875-1955).

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Lutz Weltmann

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M-x.

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Digital Image

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Digital Image

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Photos (20) of Kodric's paintings as an illustration cycle to Joseph Roth's Hiob.

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von Joseph Roth

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2 Briefe und 1 Lebenslauf von Max Horkheimer an Arthur Rosenberg, 1939, 1941; 2 Briefe zwischen Kurt Rosenfeld und Karl Brandt, 22.04.1937, 27.04.1937; 5 Briefe von Kurt Rosenfeld an Max Horkheimer, 1937-19378; 4 Brief und Beilage an Kurt Rosenfeld, 1937-1943; 11 Briefe zwischen Hans W. Rosenhaupt und Max Horkheimer, 1935, 1941, 1942, 1947; 4 Briefe zwischen Samuel I. Roseman und Max Horkheimer, 1939, 03.01.1940; 2 Briefe zwischen J. Rosenstock und Max Horkheimer, 15.07.1946; 2 Briefe zwischen Joseph Adolphe Rosenthal und Max Horkheimer, 09.04.1941, 08.05.1941, sowie Briefwechsel mit Sophie Ries; 2 Briefe zwischen Sophie Ries und Max Horkheimer, 08.05.1941, 11.05.1941; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an Lore Woedthke, 08.05.1941; 2 Briefe zwischen Morris Rosenthal und Max Horkheimer, 01.10.1935, 04.10.1935; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an das Rosenwald Capital Outlay Fund New York, 30.01.1940; 1 Brief B. Lifschitz an Marthe Roth, 21.04.1937; 1 Brief von Chamorel et Simond an Marthe Roth, 11.06.1937; 1 Brief von F.K. Sung an Marthe Roth, 24.06.1937; 12 Briefe zwischen Marthe Roth und Max Horkheimer, Juli 1937-1938, sowie Briefwechsel mit Louis Vogt; 4 Briefe zwischen Louis Vogt und Max Horkheimer, 10.08.1937, 1937; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an Dr. Rothen, 31.01.1935; 1 Umzugsmitteilung von Hans Rothmann; 2 Briefe zwischen Richard C. Rothschild und Max Horkheimer, 11.05.1940, 13.05.1940; 4 Briefe zwischen Ludwig Rothschild, Hilde Rothschild und Max Horkheimer, 1936-15.09.1939; 2 Briefe zwischen S. Rothschildt und Max Horkheimer, 23.11.1940, 29.11.1940; 4 Brief zwischen J. S. Roucek und Max Horkheimer, 1941; 1 Brief von Joseph Rovan an Max Horkheimer, 11.05.1948; 2 Brief zwischen Wilmina Rowland und Max Horkheimer, 13.03.1949, 11.04.1949; 2 Briefe zwischen dem Royal Automobile Club und Max Horkheimer, 26.08.1937, 22.09.1937; 2 Briefe zwischen Royal Motors Inc. und Max Horkheimer, 05.02.1940, 06.03.1940; 1 Beitrag von Nina Rubinstein zur Soziologie des Fremden; 1 Brief von Theodor W. Adorno an Rudd, 09.09.1940; 1 Brief von Jay Rumney an Goldstein, 18.06.1936; 20 Briefe und Beilage zwischen Jay Rumney und Max Horkheimer, 1934- 1937, 1949 sowie Briefwechsel mit D. Mitrany; 3 Briefe zwischen D. Mitrany und Max Horkheimer, 01.12.1937, 1937; 3 Briefe von Theodor W. Adorno an Dagobert D. Runes, 1941; 1 Brief und 1 Beilage von N. Waterman an Georg Rusche, 03.05.1939; 12 Briefe und Beilage zwischen Georg Rusche und Max Horkheimer, 1939-1942 sowie Briefwechsel mit N. Waterman; 1 Brief von N. Waterman an Georg Rusche, 03.04.1939; 2 Briefe zwischen N. Waterman und Max Horkheimer, 21.04.1939, 05.05.1939; 1 Brief von Ruth an Max Horkheimer;

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This is a review of "Capitalism, socialism, and democracy", by Joseph A. Schumpeter, New York, Harper Perennial, 1942 (first Harper Colophon edition published 1975). "The public mind has by now so thoroughly grown out of humor with it as to make condemnation of capitalism and all its works a foregone conclusion – almost a requirement of the etiquette of discussion. Whatever his political preference, every writer or speaker hastens to conform to this code and to emphasize his critical attitude, his freedom from ‘complacency’, his belief in the inadequacies of capitalist achievement, his aversion to capitalist and his sympathy with anti-capitalist interests. Any other attitude is voted not only foolish but anti-social and is looked upon as an indication of immoral servitude." We might easily mistake this for a voice weary of contemplating the implications for neo-liberal nostrums of our current global financial crisis were it not for the rather formal, slightly arch, style and the gender exclusive language. It was in fact penned in the depths of World War II by Harvard economist Joseph Schumpeter, who fell off the map only to re-emerge from the 1970s as oil shocks and stagflation in the west presaged the decline of the Keynesian settlement, as east Asian newly industrialising economies were modelling on his insistence that entrepreneurialism, access to credit and trade were the pillars of economic growth, and as innovation became more of a watchword for post-industrial economies in general. The second coming was perhaps affirmed when his work was dubbed by Forbes in 1983 – on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the birth of both men – as of greater explanatory import than Keynes’. (And what of our present resurgent Keynesian moment?)...

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During the nineteenth century and in the early years of the twentieth century wattle was circulated by botanists, botanical institutions, interested individuals, commercial seedsmen and government authorities. Wattle bark was used in the production of leather and was the subject of debate regarding its commercial development and conservation in Australia. It was also trialled in many other locations including America, New Zealand, Hawaii and Russia. In the process, South Africa became a major producer of wattle bark for a global market. At the same time wattle was also promoted as a symbol of Australian nationalism. This paper considers this movement of wattles, wattle material and wattle information by examining the career of one active agent in these botanical transfers: Joseph Maiden. In doing so it demonstrates that these seemingly different uses of the wattle overlap transnational and national spheres.

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Joseph Henry Maiden was born in London in 1859 and sailed for Australia in 1880, where he lived for the remainder of his life. He was an ardent Australian nationalist, and like many immigrants of this time, remained proud of his British heritage. His sweetheart, Eliza Jane Hammond, followed him to Australia in 1883. They married in Kew the day after she made port in Melbourne, and together in Sydney they raised five children. [1] During the first phase of his career Maiden presided over the Technological Museum of Sydney from 1882 to 1896. In the second phase, he was the director of the Sydney Botanic Gardens from 1896 to 1924. There he managed a whole complex of parks including the Domain,Centennial Park and the Governor's residences, a state nursery at Campbelltown and a scientific institution, the National Herbarium of New South Wales, devoted to botany. A short time after his retirement, he died at his home in Turramurra in 1925...

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Background The Global Burden of Disease Study 2013 (GBD 2013) aims to bring together all available epidemiological data using a coherent measurement framework, standardised estimation methods, and transparent data sources to enable comparisons of health loss over time and across causes, age–sex groups, and countries. The GBD can be used to generate summary measures such as disability-adjusted life-years (DALYs) and healthy life expectancy (HALE) that make possible comparative assessments of broad epidemiological patterns across countries and time. These summary measures can also be used to quantify the component of variation in epidemiology that is related to sociodemographic development. Methods We used the published GBD 2013 data for age-specific mortality, years of life lost due to premature mortality (YLLs), and years lived with disability (YLDs) to calculate DALYs and HALE for 1990, 1995, 2000, 2005, 2010, and 2013 for 188 countries. We calculated HALE using the Sullivan method; 95% uncertainty intervals (UIs) represent uncertainty in age-specific death rates and YLDs per person for each country, age, sex, and year. We estimated DALYs for 306 causes for each country as the sum of YLLs and YLDs; 95% UIs represent uncertainty in YLL and YLD rates. We quantified patterns of the epidemiological transition with a composite indicator of sociodemographic status, which we constructed from income per person, average years of schooling after age 15 years, and the total fertility rate and mean age of the population. We applied hierarchical regression to DALY rates by cause across countries to decompose variance related to the sociodemographic status variable, country, and time. Findings Worldwide, from 1990 to 2013, life expectancy at birth rose by 6·2 years (95% UI 5·6–6·6), from 65·3 years (65·0–65·6) in 1990 to 71·5 years (71·0–71·9) in 2013, HALE at birth rose by 5·4 years (4·9–5·8), from 56·9 years (54·5–59·1) to 62·3 years (59·7–64·8), total DALYs fell by 3·6% (0·3–7·4), and age-standardised DALY rates per 100 000 people fell by 26·7% (24·6–29·1). For communicable, maternal, neonatal, and nutritional disorders, global DALY numbers, crude rates, and age-standardised rates have all declined between 1990 and 2013, whereas for non–communicable diseases, global DALYs have been increasing, DALY rates have remained nearly constant, and age-standardised DALY rates declined during the same period. From 2005 to 2013, the number of DALYs increased for most specific non-communicable diseases, including cardiovascular diseases and neoplasms, in addition to dengue, food-borne trematodes, and leishmaniasis; DALYs decreased for nearly all other causes. By 2013, the five leading causes of DALYs were ischaemic heart disease, lower respiratory infections, cerebrovascular disease, low back and neck pain, and road injuries. Sociodemographic status explained more than 50% of the variance between countries and over time for diarrhoea, lower respiratory infections, and other common infectious diseases; maternal disorders; neonatal disorders; nutritional deficiencies; other communicable, maternal, neonatal, and nutritional diseases; musculoskeletal disorders; and other non-communicable diseases. However, sociodemographic status explained less than 10% of the variance in DALY rates for cardiovascular diseases; chronic respiratory diseases; cirrhosis; diabetes, urogenital, blood, and endocrine diseases; unintentional injuries; and self-harm and interpersonal violence. Predictably, increased sociodemographic status was associated with a shift in burden from YLLs to YLDs, driven by declines in YLLs and increases in YLDs from musculoskeletal disorders, neurological disorders, and mental and substance use disorders. In most country-specific estimates, the increase in life expectancy was greater than that in HALE. Leading causes of DALYs are highly variable across countries. Interpretation Global health is improving. Population growth and ageing have driven up numbers of DALYs, but crude rates have remained relatively constant, showing that progress in health does not mean fewer demands on health systems. The notion of an epidemiological transition—in which increasing sociodemographic status brings structured change in disease burden—is useful, but there is tremendous variation in burden of disease that is not associated with sociodemographic status. This further underscores the need for country-specific assessments of DALYs and HALE to appropriately inform health policy decisions and attendant actions.

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Joseph Brodsky, one of the most influential Russian intellectuals of the late Soviet period, was born in Leningrad in 1940, emigrated to the United States in 1972, received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1987, and died in New York City in 1996. Brodsky was one of the leading public figures of Soviet emigration in the Cold War period, and his role as a model for the constructing of Russian cultural identities in the last years of the Soviet Union was, and still is, extremely important. One of Joseph Brodsky’s great contributions to Russian culture of the latter half of the twentieth century is the wide geographical scope of his poetic and prose works. Brodsky was not a travel writer, but he was a traveling writer who wrote a considerable number of poems and essays which relate to his trips and travels in the Soviet empire and outside it. Travel writing offered for Brodsky a discursive space for negotiating his own transculturation, while it also offered him a discursive space for making powerful statements about displacement, culture, history and geography, time and space—all major themes of his poetry. In this study of Joseph Brodsky’s travel writing I focus on his travel texts in poetry and prose, which relate to his post-1972 trips to Mexico, Brazil, Turkey, and Venice. Questions of empire, tourism, and nostalgia are foregrounded in one way or another in Brodsky’s travel writing performed in emigration. I explore these concepts through the study of tropes, strategies of identity construction, and the politics of representation. The theoretical premises of my work draw on the literary and cultural criticism which has evolved around the study of travel and travel writing in recent years. These approaches have gained much from the scholarly experience provided by postcolonial critique. Shifting the focus away from the concept of exile, the traditional framework for scholarly discussions of Brodsky’s works, I propose to review Brodsky’s travel poetry and prose as a response not only to his exilic condition but to the postmodern and postcolonial landscape, which initially shaped the writing of these texts. Discussing Brodsky’s travel writing in this context offers previously unexplored perspectives for analyzing the geopolitical, philosophical, and linguistic premises of his poetic imagination. By situating Brodsky’s travel writing in the geopolitical landscape of postcolonial postmodernity, I attempt to show how Brodsky’s engagement with his contemporary cultural practices in the West was incorporated into his Russian-language travel poetry and prose and how this engagement thus contributed to these texts’ status as exceptional and unique literary events within late Soviet Russian cultural practices.

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The present study discusses the theme of St. Petersburg-Leningrad in Joseph Brodsky's verse works. The chosen approach to the evolving im-age of the city in Brodsky's poetry is through four metaphors: St. Petersburg as "the common place" of the Petersburg Text, St. Petersburg as "Paradise and/or Hell", St. Petersburg as "a Utopian City" and St. Petersburg as "a Void". This examination of the city-image focusses on the aspects of space and time as basic categories underlying the poet's poetic world view. The method used is close reading, with an emphasis on semantical interpretation. The material consists of eighteen poems dating from 1958 to 1994. Apart from investigating the spatio-temporal features, the study focusses on exposing and analysing the allusions in the scrutinised works to other texts from Russian and Western belles lettres. Terminology (introduced by Bakhtin and Yury Lotman, among others) concerning the poetics of space in literature is employed in the present study. Conceptions originating from the paradigm of possible worlds are also used in elucidating the position of fictional and actual chronotopes and heroes in Brodsky's poetry. Brodsky's image of his native city is imbued with intertextual linkings. Through reminiscences of the "Divine Comedy" and Russian modernists, the city is paralleled with Dante's "lost and accursed" Florence, as well as with the lost St. Petersburg of Mandel'shtam and Akhmatova. His city-image is related to the Petersburg myth in Russian literature through their common themes of death and separation as well as through the merging of actual realia with the fictional worlds of the Petersburg Text. In his later poems, when his view of the city is that of an exiled poet, the city begins to lose its actual world referents, turning into a mental realm which is no longer connected to any particular geographical location or historical time. It is placed outside time. The native city as the homeland in its entirety is replaced by another existence created in language.