902 resultados para Japan - Foreign relations - China


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Looking mainly at the changing nature of the U.S.-Japan security alliance since 11 September 2001, this thesis argues that the recent emergence of a more assertive Japanese security policy has led to a more robust Chinese response to perceived security challenges from Tokyo and Washington.

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Phe Ihesis examines the evolution of the -policies of the People fs Jtenublie of China towards J?hail°nd, PTal ysia, Singapore, Iidonesia pad the Philip-pines, organised in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations from 1969 to 1975• 2ze first central point of this study is an *ir sumption that the foreign relations of The People's Tepublic of Chi la Towards Southeast ^sia have been motivated by a dynamic interplay of t^o main factors: (1) Farxist-Leninist ideology and ICao J^e-tung Ph^ught, which dictate to China to behave as a revolutionary Dover vhich must assist the insurgent movements in the area in their strug fle to overthrow the local governments; (2) national interest, vhich demands of China to safeguard the southern flank of her territory bordering on Southerst 'sia through Friendly relations, trade and ot*»er conventional inrtniments of diplomacy. hile the tvo main motive factors are nuTually antagonistic and exclusivet the Chinere leaders are nevertheless at te mi ting to oring them iirco a coherent policy under Mao's theory of tve {hniity of op-nosites," vhich believes that it is -possible to reconcile these co-posing tendencies into a dynamic enuibrium through vhich both opnosites could be promoted at the same time although not to the same extent* la other words, the Chinese leaders conceive the dynamic equilibrium as a continuum between them in a mix in which one or the other orientation predominates in different •periods* Bins we might see China1 s conduct motivated in one period by mostly ideological considerations at the expense of the staire-to-state relations, then ve might see her policy in the middle of the continuum and suf ering from immo bill sine and just muddling through, or finally ?fe might see her emphasising friendly ties at the expense of support of revolutionary movements at the other extreme -point of the spectrum* !fhe mechanism vhich enables Peking to move from one pole to the other of the spectrum is activated by the following elementsJ (1) the result of an internal power struggle within the leadership in Peking between ideologically radical and moderate elements, which enables the victorious faction to initiate nev policies; (2) Peking's assessment of the changing intentions and capabilities of the major powers in the area; (3) internal changes within the countries of the area and the changing attitudes of their governments towards China; (4) changing fortunes of revolutionary movements operating in the area* 'Phe second major point of this study is an assertion that while China's conduct toward Southeast *lsia after her foundation in 1949 was primarily based upon ideological considerations, the beginning of the seventies saw the national interest reasserting itself as the leading motive factor* Thus China talks with her neighbours in Southeast asia in terms of relevance of fllong historical ties," casting herself into the role of a benevolent "older brother11 who is entitled to reopect and deference in exchange for patronage and protection* Hence the traditional echoes of the past are emerging ever stronger and influencing her postures towards the region, while the open support to revolutionary moevments is underplayed at the moment.

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Some vols. in this ed. are exact reprints (including House document nos.) of v. from: Foreign relations of the United States, Document ed.

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We compared the nutrient dynamics of three lakes that have been heavily influenced by point and non-point source pollution and other human activities. The lakes, located in Japan (Lake Kasumigaura), People's Republic of China (Lake Donghu), and the USA (Lake Okeechobee), all are relatively large(>30 km(2)), very shallow (<4 m mean depth), and eutrophic. In all three lakes we found strong interactions among the sediments, water column, and human activities. Important processes affecting nutrient dynamics included nitrogen fixation, light limitation due to resuspended sediments, and intense grazing on algae by cultured fish. As a result of these complex interactions, simple empirical models developed to predict in-lake responses of total phosphorus and algal biomass to external nutrient loads must be used with caution. While published models may provide 'good' results, in terms of model output matching actual data, this may not be due to accurate representation of lake processes in the models. The variable nutrient dynamics that we observed among the three study lakes appears to be typical for shallow lake systems. This indicates that a greater reliance on lake-specific research may be required for effective management, and a lesser role of inter-lake generalization than is possible for deeper, dimictic lake systems. Furthermore, accurate predictions of management impacts in shallow eutrophic lakes may require the use of relatively complex deterministic modeling tools. (C) 2000 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

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Este trabajo describe la participación de actores no gubernamentales como los denominados Think Tanks en el ciclo de la polìtica exterior de los Estados Unidos. Centrándose en el Council On Foreign Relations y su rol en la política exterior estadounidense desde su fundación en 1921.

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El presente es un estudio de caso que busca encontrarle significado a la actuación de la República de China (Taiwán) como Estado de Facto en el Sistema Internacional, durante el periodo 1971 – 2011. El estudio se centra en las formas de validación jurídicas que le permiten a Taiwán interactuar con otros actores en el Sistema Internacional.

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Argues that the "China threat" argument in mainstream international relations literature in the United States is derived, primarily, from a discursive construction of otherness. Construction which is predicated on a particular narcissistic understanding of the U.S. self and on a positivist-based realism, concerned with absolute certainty and security; Concern which is central to the dominant U.S. self-imagery.

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This article draws on recent research and policy developments to make a case for considering international students as an important component of Australian foreign relations. It links historical and contemporary Australian experiences of international students, especially in the Colombo Plan and New Colombo Plan, to the field of public diplomacy, and sets an agenda for further research in this direction. It highlights the need to recover student voices and to be sensitive to the emergence of everyday or ‘vernacular’ internationalism, as a phenomenon of international students visiting, traveling and otherwise encountering different groups of Australians. It suggests a need to take up anew this form of inquiry for both earlier postwar student experiences and the post-1980s period, in which international students’ voices are frequently silenced by debates over commodification, funding needs, and neo-liberal economics.

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