‘Souvenirs, souvenirs': the role of memory in the work of Annie Saumont

The work of nouvelliste Annie Saumont constantly explores the phenomenon of memory, and of memories. This article identifies and nuances the various forms that this exploration takes. An introductory contextualization of author and theme is followed by the presentation of a short story, ‘Méandres’, which embodies the first quality of memory to be examined: its capacity not only to recall but also to re-evaluate a past which is thus shown to be as hypothetical as the future. Memory as guilt that moulds or puts its indelible stamp on lives is then evoked by means of examples from other stories, illustrating the gradations Saumont achieves in her investigation of the power of this complex faculty. The next section turns to her portrayal of involuntary memory. Unlike for Proust, the instances of spontaneous remembering that are experienced by her characters lunge at them down the years almost exclusively to wound or disorientate. Depictions of the memory which conserves, and is thus burdened by, secrets are then considered, and finally Saumont's evocation of characters who have different reasons to analyse the way their own and other people's memories work. The conclusion to be drawn is that for Saumont, we are our memories; the ability to master a ‘judicious interpretation’ of memory – or indeed, to forget – is, in her stories, overwhelmingly a quality to be envied.

The Neural Basis of Involuntary Episodic Memories

Involuntary episodic memories are memories that come into consciousness without preceding retrieval effort. These memories are commonplace and are relevant to multiple mental disorders. However, they are vastly understudied. We use a novel paradigm to elicit involuntary memories in the laboratory so that we can study their neural basis. In session one, an encoding session, sounds are presented with picture pairs or alone. In session two, in the scanner, sounds-picture pairs and unpaired sounds are reencoded. Immediately following, participants are split into two groups: a voluntary and an involuntary group. Both groups perform a sound localization task in which they hear the sounds and indicate the side from which they are coming. The voluntary group additionally tries to remember the pictures that were paired with the sounds. Looking at neural activity, we find a main effect of condition (paired vs. unpaired sounds) showing similar activity in both groups for voluntary and involuntary memories in regions typically associated with retrieval. There is also a main effect of group (voluntary vs. involuntary) in the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, a region typically associated with cognitive control. Turning to connectivity similarities and differences between groups again, there is a main effect of condition showing paired > unpaired sounds are associated with a recollection network. In addition, three group differences were found: (1) increased connectivity between the pulvinar nucleus of the thalamus and the recollection network for the voluntary group, (2) a higher association between the voluntary group and a network that includes regions typically found in frontoparietal and cingulo-opercular networks, and (3) shorter path length for about half of the nodes in these networks for the voluntary group. Finally, we use the same paradigm to compare involuntary memories in people with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) to trauma-controls. This study also included the addition of emotional pictures. There were two main findings. (1) A similar pattern of activity was found for paired > unpaired sounds for both groups but this activity was delayed in the PTSD group. (2) A similar pattern of activity was found for high > low emotion stimuli but it occurred early in the PTSD group compared to the control group. Our results suggest that involuntary and voluntary memories share the same neural representation but that voluntary memories are associated with additional cognitive control processes. They also suggest that disorders associated with cognitive deficits, like PTSD, can affect the processing of involuntary memories.

A representação da metamemória no romance brasileiro: um olhar sobre Olho de rei, de Edgard Telles Ribeiro, e Leite derramado, de Chico Buarque

Pós-graduação em Letras - FCLAS

O desenvolvimento da memória na educação infantil: contribuições da Psicologia histórico-cultural para o ensino de crianças de 4 e 5 anos

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A poetics of Marcel Proust's vocation

The view is upheld that it is possible to constitute a conception of artistic vocation from fiction itself with characteristics that may be extended to other vocational fields. "A la Recherche du Temps Perdu" by Marcel Proust is made use of to exemplify how this author reflects critically on his own work and on the artist's conditions. Thus he points out the importance of randomness, childhood, Materializing into a work an adequate conception of his own artistic work, involuntary memory, the life that has been lived, and his own comprehension of art, the force of conviction, Vocation is a call that overcomes the dichotomy between innate gift and social product as it is the result of a genesis of sensory impressions and involuntary memories that, although they are fugacious, they become fixed in the literary work. It is explained how "A la Recherche " both can and cannot be considered the history of a vocation, as literature had not played any role at all in the novelistic hero's life, but, however, it really was a history of a vocation since the work was a consequence of events that had been lived. Notwithstanding, even if vocation had never been deemed so important, he must win a battle against death. Genette sums up "A la Recherche " thus: "Marcel becomes a writer".

A poetics of Marcel Proust's vocation

The view is upheld that it is possible to constitute a conception of artistic vocation from fiction itself with characteristics that may be extended to other vocational fields. "A la Recherche du Temps Perdu" by Marcel Proust is made use of to exemplify how this author reflects critically on his own work and on the artist's conditions. Thus he points out the importance of randomness, childhood, Materializing into a work an adequate conception of his own artistic work, involuntary memory, the life that has been lived, and his own comprehension of art, the force of conviction, Vocation is a call that overcomes the dichotomy between innate gift and social product as it is the result of a genesis of sensory impressions and involuntary memories that, although they are fugacious, they become fixed in the literary work. It is explained how "A la Recherche " both can and cannot be considered the history of a vocation, as literature had not played any role at all in the novelistic hero's life, but, however, it really was a history of a vocation since the work was a consequence of events that had been lived. Notwithstanding, even if vocation had never been deemed so important, he must win a battle against death. Genette sums up "A la Recherche " thus: "Marcel becomes a writer".

A poetics of Marcel Proust's vocation

The view is upheld that it is possible to constitute a conception of artistic vocation from fiction itself with characteristics that may be extended to other vocational fields. "A la Recherche du Temps Perdu" by Marcel Proust is made use of to exemplify how this author reflects critically on his own work and on the artist's conditions. Thus he points out the importance of randomness, childhood, Materializing into a work an adequate conception of his own artistic work, involuntary memory, the life that has been lived, and his own comprehension of art, the force of conviction, Vocation is a call that overcomes the dichotomy between innate gift and social product as it is the result of a genesis of sensory impressions and involuntary memories that, although they are fugacious, they become fixed in the literary work. It is explained how "A la Recherche " both can and cannot be considered the history of a vocation, as literature had not played any role at all in the novelistic hero's life, but, however, it really was a history of a vocation since the work was a consequence of events that had been lived. Notwithstanding, even if vocation had never been deemed so important, he must win a battle against death. Genette sums up "A la Recherche " thus: "Marcel becomes a writer".

Imagerie Musicale Involontaire : caractéristiques phénoménologiques et mnésiques

L’imagerie musicale involontaire (IMIN) est un phénomène mental extrêmement commun. Il peut être défini en tant que type d’imagerie mentale musicale qui devient consciente sans effort ou intentionnalité et qui n’est pas pathologique. La forme la plus connue d’IMIN est le « ver d’oreille », qui se présente généralement comme un court extrait musical tournant en boucle en tête et dont on se débarrasse difficilement. L’objectif principal de la présente thèse est d’investiguer les mécanismes cognitifs sous-tendant le phénomène puisque, malgré l’intérêt répandu dans les médias populaires, son étude expérimentale est récente et un modèle intégré n’a pas encore été proposé. Dans la première étude, l’induction expérimentale a été tentée et les caractéristiques des images mentales d’épisodes d’IMIN ont été investiguées. Dans le laboratoire, des chansons accrocheuses (versus des proverbes) ont été présentées répétitivement aux participants qui devaient ensuite les chanter le plus fidèlement possible. Ils ont par après quitté le laboratoire, une enregistreuse numérique en mains, avec la consigne d’enregistrer une reproduction vocale la plus fidèle possible de ce qu’ils avaient en tête lors de tous leurs épisodes d’IMIN sur une période de quatre jours, ainsi que de décrire leur timbre. L’expérience a été répétée deux semaines plus tard. Douze des dix-huit participants du groupe expérimental ont rapporté des pièces induites comme épisodes d’IMIN, ce qui confirme l’efficacité de la procédure d’induction. La tonalité et le tempo des productions ont ensuite été analysés et comparés à ceux des pièces originales. Similairement pour les épisodes d’IMIN induits et les autres, les tempi produits et, dans une moindre mesure pour les non-musiciens, les tonalités étaient proches des originaux. Le timbre décrit était généralement une version simplifiée de l’original (un instrument et/ou une voix). Trois études se sont ensuite intéressées au lien entre le potentiel d’IMIN et la mémorabilité. Dans une étude préliminaire, 150 chansons du palmarès francophone radiophonique ont été évaluées en ligne par 164 participants, sur leur niveau de familiarité, d’appréciation et de potentiel d’IMIN. Les pièces ont ensuite été divisées en groupes de stimuli à faible et à fort potentiel d’IMIN, qui ont été utilisés dans une tâche typique de rappel libre/reconnaissance, premièrement avec des francophones (pour qui les pièces étaient familières) et ensuite avec des non-francophones (pour qui les pièces étaient non-familières). Globalement, les pièces à fort potentiel d’IMIN étaient mieux rappelées et reconnues que les pièces à faible potentiel. Une dernière étude a investigué l’impact de la variabilité inter-stimulus du timbre sur les résultats précédents, en demandant à une chanteuse d’enregistrer les lignes vocales des pièces et en répétant l’expérience avec ces nouveaux stimuli. La différence précédemment observée entre les stimuli à fort et à faible potentiel d’IMIN dans la tâche de reconnaissance a ainsi disparu, ce qui suggère que le timbre est une caractéristique importante pour le potentiel d’IMIN. En guise de conclusion, nous suggérons que les phénomènes mentaux et les mécanismes cognitifs jouant un rôle dans les autres types de souvenirs involontaires peuvent aussi s’appliquer à l’IMIN. Dépendamment du contexte, la récupération mnésique des pièces peut résulter de la répétition en mémoire à court terme, de l’amorçage à court et long terme ou de l’indiçage provenant de stimuli dans l’environnement ou les pensées. Une des plus importantes différences observables entre l’IMIN et les autres souvenirs involontaires est la répétition. Nous proposons que la nature même de la musique, qui est définie par la répétition à un niveau micro- et macro-structurel en est responsable.

Imagerie Musicale Involontaire : caractéristiques phénoménologiques et mnésiques

L’imagerie musicale involontaire (IMIN) est un phénomène mental extrêmement commun. Il peut être défini en tant que type d’imagerie mentale musicale qui devient consciente sans effort ou intentionnalité et qui n’est pas pathologique. La forme la plus connue d’IMIN est le « ver d’oreille », qui se présente généralement comme un court extrait musical tournant en boucle en tête et dont on se débarrasse difficilement. L’objectif principal de la présente thèse est d’investiguer les mécanismes cognitifs sous-tendant le phénomène puisque, malgré l’intérêt répandu dans les médias populaires, son étude expérimentale est récente et un modèle intégré n’a pas encore été proposé. Dans la première étude, l’induction expérimentale a été tentée et les caractéristiques des images mentales d’épisodes d’IMIN ont été investiguées. Dans le laboratoire, des chansons accrocheuses (versus des proverbes) ont été présentées répétitivement aux participants qui devaient ensuite les chanter le plus fidèlement possible. Ils ont par après quitté le laboratoire, une enregistreuse numérique en mains, avec la consigne d’enregistrer une reproduction vocale la plus fidèle possible de ce qu’ils avaient en tête lors de tous leurs épisodes d’IMIN sur une période de quatre jours, ainsi que de décrire leur timbre. L’expérience a été répétée deux semaines plus tard. Douze des dix-huit participants du groupe expérimental ont rapporté des pièces induites comme épisodes d’IMIN, ce qui confirme l’efficacité de la procédure d’induction. La tonalité et le tempo des productions ont ensuite été analysés et comparés à ceux des pièces originales. Similairement pour les épisodes d’IMIN induits et les autres, les tempi produits et, dans une moindre mesure pour les non-musiciens, les tonalités étaient proches des originaux. Le timbre décrit était généralement une version simplifiée de l’original (un instrument et/ou une voix). Trois études se sont ensuite intéressées au lien entre le potentiel d’IMIN et la mémorabilité. Dans une étude préliminaire, 150 chansons du palmarès francophone radiophonique ont été évaluées en ligne par 164 participants, sur leur niveau de familiarité, d’appréciation et de potentiel d’IMIN. Les pièces ont ensuite été divisées en groupes de stimuli à faible et à fort potentiel d’IMIN, qui ont été utilisés dans une tâche typique de rappel libre/reconnaissance, premièrement avec des francophones (pour qui les pièces étaient familières) et ensuite avec des non-francophones (pour qui les pièces étaient non-familières). Globalement, les pièces à fort potentiel d’IMIN étaient mieux rappelées et reconnues que les pièces à faible potentiel. Une dernière étude a investigué l’impact de la variabilité inter-stimulus du timbre sur les résultats précédents, en demandant à une chanteuse d’enregistrer les lignes vocales des pièces et en répétant l’expérience avec ces nouveaux stimuli. La différence précédemment observée entre les stimuli à fort et à faible potentiel d’IMIN dans la tâche de reconnaissance a ainsi disparu, ce qui suggère que le timbre est une caractéristique importante pour le potentiel d’IMIN. En guise de conclusion, nous suggérons que les phénomènes mentaux et les mécanismes cognitifs jouant un rôle dans les autres types de souvenirs involontaires peuvent aussi s’appliquer à l’IMIN. Dépendamment du contexte, la récupération mnésique des pièces peut résulter de la répétition en mémoire à court terme, de l’amorçage à court et long terme ou de l’indiçage provenant de stimuli dans l’environnement ou les pensées. Une des plus importantes différences observables entre l’IMIN et les autres souvenirs involontaires est la répétition. Nous proposons que la nature même de la musique, qui est définie par la répétition à un niveau micro- et macro-structurel en est responsable.

Voluntary Explicit versus Involuntary Conceptual Memory Are Associated with Dissociable fMRI Responses in Hippocampus, Amygdala, and Parietal Cortex for Emotional and Neutral Word Pairs.

Although functional neuroimaging studies have supported the distinction between explicit and implicit forms of memory, few have matched explicit and implicit tests closely, and most of these tested perceptual rather than conceptual implicit memory. We compared event-related fMRI responses during an intentional test, in which a group of participants used a cue word to recall its associate from a prior study phase, with those in an incidental test, in which a different group of participants used the same cue to produce the first associate that came to mind. Both semantic relative to phonemic processing at study, and emotional relative to neutral word pairs, increased target completions in the intentional test, but not in the incidental test, suggesting that behavioral performance in the incidental test was not contaminated by voluntary explicit retrieval. We isolated the neural correlates of successful retrieval by contrasting fMRI responses to studied versus unstudied cues for which the equivalent "target" associate was produced. By comparing the difference in this repetition-related contrast across the intentional and incidental tests, we could identify the correlates of voluntary explicit retrieval. This contrast revealed increased bilateral hippocampal responses in the intentional test, but decreased hippocampal responses in the incidental test. A similar pattern in the bilateral amygdale was further modulated by the emotionality of the word pairs, although surprisingly only in the incidental test. Parietal regions, however, showed increased repetition-related responses in both tests. These results suggest that the neural correlates of successful voluntary explicit memory differ in directionality, even if not in location, from the neural correlates of successful involuntary implicit (or explicit) memory, even when the incidental test taps conceptual processes.

Schizotypal personality and vulnerability to involuntary autobiographical memories

Background and objectives: Individuals who score high on positive schizotypy personality traits are vulnerable to more frequent trauma-related intrusive memories after a stressful event. This vulnerability may be the product of a low level of contextual integration of non-stressful material combined with a heightened sensitivity to a further reduction in contextual integration during a stressful event. The current study assessed whether high scoring schizotypes are vulnerable to frequent involuntary autobiographical memories (IAMs) of non-stressful material. Methods: A free-association word task was used. Participants completed three recorded trials which were then replayed to allow the identification of any associations where an involuntary autobiographical memory had come to mind. Self-report measures of schizotypy and anxiety were completed. Results: All participants retrieved at least one IAM from the three free-association word trials, with 70% experiencing two or more IAMs. Individuals scoring high in schizotypy reported more IAMs than those who scored low. Over 75% of the memories retrieved were neutral or positive in content. Limitations: The current study is an improvement on previous methodologies used to assess IAMs. However, bias due to retrospective recall remains a possibility. Conclusions: Individuals scoring high in schizotypy are vulnerable to an increased level of neutral intrusive memories which may be associated with a ‘baseline’ level of information-processing which is low in contextual integration.

After-effects and after-effects and after-effects of after-effects: The multiple side effects of prospective memory

In a prospective memory task responding to a prospective memory target involves switching between ongoing and prospective memory task which can result in a slowing of subsequent ongoing task performance (i.e., an after-effect). Moreover, a slowing can also occur when prospective memory targets occur after the prospective memory task is deactivated (i.e., another after-effect). In this study, we investigated both after-effects within the same study. Moreover, we also tested whether the latter after-effects even occur on subsequent ongoing task trials. The results show, in fact, after-effects of all kinds. Thus, (1) correctly responding to prospective memory targets results in after-effects, a so far neglected cost on ongoing task performance, (2) responding to deactivated prospective memory targets also slows down performance, probably due to the involuntary retrieval of the intention, and (3) this slowing is present even on subsequent ongoing task trials, suggesting that even deactivated intentions are sufficient to induce a conflict that requires subsequent adaptation. Overall, these results indicate that performance slowing in a prospective memory experiment includes various kinds of sources, not only monitoring cost, and these sources may be understood best in terms of conflict adaptation.

The role of prior exposure on the capture of attention by items in working memory

The Biased Competition Model (BCM) suggests both top-down and bottom-up biases operate on selective attention (e.g., Desimone & Duncan, 1995). It has been suggested that top-down control signals may arise from working memory. In support, Downing (2000) found faster responses to probes presented in the location of stimuli held vs. not held in working memory. Soto, Heinke, Humphreys, and Blanco (2005) showed the involuntary nature of this effect and that shared features between stimuli were sufficient to attract attention. Here we show that stimuli held in working memory had an influence on the deployment of attentional resources even when: (1) It was detrimental to the task, (2) there was equal prior exposure, and (3) there was no bottom-up priming. These results provide further support for involuntary top-down guidance of attention from working memory and the basic tenets of the BCM, but further discredit the notion that bottom-up priming is necessary for the effect to occur.

The Intrahippocampal Infusion Of Crotamine From Crotalus Durissus Terrificus Venom Enhances Memory Persistence In Rats.

Previous research has shown that crotamine, a toxin isolated from the venom of Crotalus durissus terrificus, induces the release of acetylcholine and dopamine in the central nervous system of rats. Particularly, these neurotransmitters are important modulators of memory processes. Therefore, in this study we investigated the effects of crotamine infusion on persistence of memory in rats. We verified that the intrahippocampal infusion of crotamine (1 μg/μl; 1 μl/side) improved the persistence of object recognition and aversive memory. By other side, the intrahippocampal infusion of the toxin did not alter locomotor and exploratory activities, anxiety or pain threshold. These results demonstrate a future prospect of using crotamine as potential pharmacological tool to treat diseases involving memory impairment, although it is still necessary more researches to better elucidate the crotamine effects on hippocampus and memory.