The effects of international politics on oil-exporting developing countries

International politics affects oil trade. But does it affect the oil-exporting developing countries more? We construct a firm-level dataset for all U.S. oil-importing companies over 1986-2008 to examine how these firms respond to changes in "political distance" between the U.S. and her trading partners, measured by divergence in their UN General Assembly voting patterns. Consistent with previous macro evidence, we first show that individual firms diversify their oil imports politically, even after controlling for unobserved firm heterogeneity. We conjecture that the political pattern of oil imports from these individual firms is driven by hold-up risks, because oil trade is often associated with backward vertical FDI. To the extent that developing countries have higher hold-up risks because of their weaker institutions, the political effect on oil trade should be more significant in the developing world. We find that oil import decisions are indeed more elastic when firms import from developing countries, although the reverse is true in the short run. Our results suggest that international politics can affect oil revenue and hence long-term development in the developing world.

Changing citizen confidence: Orientations towards political and social institutions in Australia, 1983-2010 [Review]

Since the early 1980s, when confidence in institutions was first measured in an Australian academic social survey, Australia - And the world - has faced many political, social and economic changes. From corporate scandals and company collapses, to unprecedented terrorist attacks, to major ongoing international conflicts, to changes in government and all manner of political machinations, to the global financial crisis and its aftermath. One consequence of such developments has been that many major political, social and economic institutions have come under intense pressure. Using survey research data, this paper investigates how public confidence in various Australian institutions and organisations has changed over time. The results are variable and in some instances surprising. Confidence in some institutions has remained high, and in some low, over an extended period of time. In other cases, confidence has varied quite markedly at different time points. As well as looking at trends in the level of public confidence in institutions, the paper examines different dimensions of confidence together with underpinning socio-political factors. It also discusses theoretical and practical implications of the data.

Os conflitos tributários internacionais e sua possível solução pela via arbitral

O fenômeno da globalização teve o condão de aproximar os diversos povos, cada um com seus interesses e culturas próprios. A existência de um consenso internacional na definição de princípios a serem seguidos quando das relações externas não consegue impedir, contudo, o surgimento de possíveis conflitos e divergências, tendo em vista a pluralidade cultural das diversas nações mundiais, fato que induziu a sociedade internacional a desenvolver meios que pudessem dirimir pacificamente as controvérsias, porventura, surgidas entre elas. A adoção dos meios para solução pacífica dos conflitos internacionais encontra-se incentivada pela Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil (art. 4., incisos VI e VII) e sua utilização não importa qualquer renúncia ao exercício da soberania, nem tampouco à imunidade de jurisdição. Para que se tenha uma eficácia maior da submissão dos conflitos surgidos no âmbito externo aos meios admitidos para resolvê-los, é importante que os países envolvidos no litígio possuam orientação interna no sentido de privilegiar o Direito Internacional frente à sua legislação infraconstitucional doméstica. A eventual primazia do direito interno pode resultar na inocuidade da adoção dos meios pacíficos de solução de controvérsias internacionais, uma vez que as autoridades dos países litigantes poderão se esquivar do cumprimento do acordo ou decisão alegando uma possível contrariedade com os ditames legais domésticos. Nesse contexto, a seara tributária tem despertado constantes divergências internacionais. As diferentes interpretações conferidas pelas diversas nações, dentre elas o Brasil, quando da aplicação dos tratados por elas firmados e que tenham vertente fiscal, em especial aqueles que visam evitar a dupla imposição fiscal da renda, ou garantir o livre trânsito de bens, pessoas e serviços, acaba trazendo grande insegurança àqueles investidores que possuem operações conectadas a dois ou mais sistemas tributários diferentes. Assim, ganham cada vez mais corpo, os debates em torno da extensão dos mecanismos pacíficos para resolução de divergências, também ao âmbito de aplicação de todo e qualquer tratado que verse sobre a matéria tributária. Tal fato propicia a busca de uma possível uniformização dos métodos hermenêuticos aplicáveis àqueles fatos geradores tributáveis que se encontrem vinculados a dois ou mais entes soberanos. É nesse contexto que se apresenta o presente estudo, o qual aborda a possibilidade de a República Federativa do Brasil submeter ao procedimento arbitral aquelas controvérsias de cunho tributário que eventualmente decorram da interpretação divergente das convenções internacionais das quais seja parte e que tratem de matéria fiscal.

Muriel Rukeyser, America, and the “Melville Revival”

Whilst Muriel Rukeyser's poetic affinity with Walt Whitman is generally acknowledged, the close relation of her work and poetic sensibility to the thought and writing of Herman Melville has somehow gone relatively unnoticed, and almost wholly unexamined. In 1918, Van Wyck Brooks called for the creation of a usable past that would energize America by recasting its cultural tradition. His plea addressed the need to rebuild a national heritage via the rediscovery of culturally “great” figures. By the late 1930s, many scholars and writers had answered the call, and the new discipline of American studies was beginning to take shape, aided by a reclamation of one of the country's greatest, most neglected, writers – Herman Melville. This was also the period in which Rukeyser “came of age”; a time when political and international conflicts and economic crises generated both the stark, documentary representation of present social realities and the drive to retrieve or reconstruct a more golden age that might mobilize a dislocated nation. The following article examines the importance of Melville to Rukeyser's work, and situates her within the “Melville revival” as an important figure in the movement throughout the first half of the twentieth century to reconstruct an American cultural character.

Conflito Russo-Ucraniano: o agendamento noticioso da SIC

Relatório de estágio apresentado à Escola Superior de Comunicação Social como parte dos requisitos para obtenção de grau de mestre em Jornalismo.

Accès aux médicaments : comment expliquer et améliorer la situation au Brésil

Le Brésil figure parmi les plus grands marchés consommateurs de médicaments. Cependant, le droit à l'accès aux médicaments, prévu dans sa Constitution Fédérale, ne fait pas partie de sa réalité. Cette situation est attribuable à plusieurs facteurs: le Brésil n'est pas capable de répondre à ses besoins internes et la consommation de médicaments n'est pas équilibrée. En réaction à cette constatation, nous analyserons la situation juridique actuelle du Brésil, afin d'indiquer les lacunes et barrières au plein accès aux médicaments et, surtout, de trouver une solution qui pourrait améliorer cette situation. Les organismes gouvernementaux brésiliens jouant un rôle important dans le développement des nouveaux médicaments sont présentés et, ensuite, l'encadrement juridique applicable à la recherche clinique et à l'autorisation de mise en marché des nouveaux médicaments est analysé; un bref survol de la législation applicable aux médicaments génériques est fait. Dans un deuxième moment de l'étude, la question d'accès aux nouveaux médicaments est mise en lumière: la législation brésilienne relative aux brevets, ainsi que le régime de licence obligatoire sont abordés; de plus, nous évaluons la compatibilité de ce régime avec l'Accord sur les ADPIC et nous évoquons les conflits internationaux qu'il a suscités. En vue de trouver des solutions aux difficultés brésiliennes identifiées, nous concluons notre étude avec l'examen de l'initiative canadienne pour favoriser l'accès aux médicaments aux pays du Sud (RCAN). Nous constatons que l'utilisation du RCAM pourrait, à court terme, favoriser l'accès aux médicaments au Brésil et, à moyen terme, aider à réduire les conflits internationaux. Finalement, à long terme, nous croyons que le Brésil pourrait jouer un rôle de leader international en adoptant une loi semblable à celle du Canada et, ainsi, il serait capable d'aider d'autres pays dans le besoin, qui n'ont aucune capacité de production locale, comme par exemple, plusieurs pays en Afrique.

Les tendances commémoratives contemporaines à travers l’évolution des monuments aux morts en Occident

Pour respecter les droits d’auteur, la version électronique de ce mémoire a été dépouillée de ses documents visuels. La version intégrale du mémoire a été déposée au Service de la gestion des documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Análisis de las estrategias emprendidas en materia de política exterior de India en la década de los noventa y la incidencia que han tenido éstas en la construcción de un escenario de seguridad con China y Pakistán

India, China y Pakistán hacen parte de un subsistema estratégico de seguridad. Los constantes e históricos roces fronterizos, la falta de diálogo político entre las unidades y la creciente carrera armamentista, son factores detonantes de la crisis que enfrentan estos Estados, lo que no les ha permitido una verdadera integración a pesar de los considerables esfuerzos diplomáticos, políticos y económicos. India por su parte, ha buscado incrementar su poder en el Sur de Asia como un actor influyente y dinamizador de las relaciones bilaterales con respecto a su zona geográfica de influencia principalmente en la década de los noventa, pero ha enfrentado históricos roces en zonas fronterizas que se encuentran sin resolver, adicional a ello la nación se ha enfrentado a un fenómeno que mitiga su capacidad de acción y ejecución que es el terrorismo y la insurgencia en la región. Todo lo anterior es analizado bajo la Teoría del Realismo Ofensivo de John J. Mearsheimer

Interação social e democracia: sobre a universalização do direito

Pós-graduação em Filosofia - FFC

「紛争ダイヤモンド」問題の力学－グローバル・イシュー化と議論の欠落－

ダイヤモンド原石の取引とアフリカの紛争をめぐる「紛争ダイヤモンド」問題は、近年国際社会が熱心に討議するグローバル・イシューとなった。この問題は2000年になって急速に顕在化し、年末には国連総会において全会一致で加盟国に取り組みを求める決議が採択された。国連の報告書やNGOの運動によって国際世論が盛り上がり、シエラレオネ問題の解決を進めたいイギリス政府、あるいは消費者運動を恐れる業界や生産国が取り組みに加わったことなどがその理由である。しかし、現在の「紛争ダイヤモンド」をめぐる議論では、ダイヤモンドとアフリカの紛争をめぐる問題が部分的にしか扱われていない。そこではアンゴラとシエラレオネにおける反政府勢力の活動を抑えることに主眼が置かれているが、コンゴのように状況が複雑な地域に対する取り組みは遅れている。さらに、ダイヤモンドを武器購入や民間軍事会社への支払いに充当するアフリカ各国政府の行動については、深刻な問題を内包するにもかかわらず、ほとんど議論されていない。「紛争ダイヤモンド」問題が、脆弱な国家における公的な資源の管理・開発という論点と繋がっていることを忘れるべきではない。

Political limits on the world oil trade : firm-level evidence from US firms

International politics affect trade patterns, especially for firms in extractive industries. We construct the firm-level dataset for the U.S. oil-importing companies over 1986-2010 to test whether the state of international relations with the trading partners of the U.S. affect importing behavior of the U.S. firms. To measure "political distance" between the U.S. and her trading partners we use voting records for the UN General Assembly. We find that the U.S. firms, in fact, import significantly less oil from the political opponents of the U.S. Our conjecture is that the decrease in oil imports is mainly driven by large, vertically-integrated U.S. firms that engage in foreign direct investment (FDI) overseas.

Myanmar's non-resource export potential after the lifting of economic sanctions : a gravity model analysis

Easing of economic sanctions by Western countries in 2012 augmented the prospect that Myanmar will expand its exports. On the other hand, a sharp rise in natural resource exports during the sanctions brings in a concern about the "Dutch disease". This study projects Myanmar's export potential by calculating counterfactual export values with an augmented gravity model that takes into account the effects of natural resource exports on non-resource exports. Without taking into account the effects of natural resource exports, the counterfactual predicted values of non-resource exports during 2004–2011 are more than five times larger than the actual exports. If we take into account the effects, however, the predicted values are smaller than the actual exports. The empirical results imply that the "Dutch disease" is at stake in Myanmar than any other Southeast Asian countries.

Why do oil importers diversify their import sources politically? : evidence from U.S. firm-level data

International politics affects oil trade. But why? We construct a firm-level dataset for all U.S. oil-importing companies over 1986-2008 to examine what kinds of firms are more responsive to change in "political distance" between the U.S. and her trading partners, measured by divergence in their UN General Assembly voting patterns. Consistent with previous macro evidence, we first show that individual firms diversify their oil imports politically, even after controlling for unobserved firm heterogeneity. We conjecture that the political pattern of oil imports from these individual firms is driven by hold-up risks, because oil trade is often associated with backward vertical FDI. To test this hold-up risk hypothesis, we investigate heterogeneity in responses by matching transaction-level import data with firm-level worldwide reserves. Our results show that long-run oil import decisions are indeed more elastic for firms with oil reserves overseas than those without, although the reverse is true in the short run. We interpret this empirical regularity as that while firms trade in the spot market can adjust their imports immediately, vertically-integrated firms with investment overseas tend to commit to term contracts in the short run even though they are more responsive to changes in international politics in the long run.