Curriculum development of joint degrees courses with international institutions

With globalisation and severe budget constraints in the education sector in Australia and around the world it has become necessary for higher education institutions to be more outward looking and seek funding from non traditional sources to supplement the financial shortfalls. One way to overcome this problem is to work cooperatively with other institutions to share facilities and courses, at the same time generating valuable income to maintain the operation of the university. This paper describes the development of joint curricula in built environment and engineering courses in QUT. It outlines the stages of development starting from seeking international partners, developing memorandum of understanding, making visit to partner institution to inspect the facilities, curriculum development to meet the academic requirements of the institutions and professional bodies and finally the implementation process.

Scientometric analysis of some disciplines: Comparison of Indian institutions with other international institutions

We have carried out a three-part study comparing the research performance of Indian institutions with that of other international institutions. In the first part, the publication profiles of various Indian institutions were examined and ranked based on the h-index and p-index. We found that the institutions of national importance contributed the highest in terms of publications and citations per institution. In the second part of the study, we looked at the publication profiles of various Indian institutions in the high-impact journals and compared these profiles against that of the top Asian and US universities. We found that the number of papers in these journals from India was miniscule compared to the US universities. Recognizing that the publication profiles of various institutions depend on the field/departments, we studied the publication profiles of many science and engineering departments at the Indian Institute of Science (IISc), Bangalore, the Indian Institutes of Technology, as well as top Indian universities. Because the number of faculty in each department varies widely, we have computed the publications and citations per faculty per year for each department. We have also compared this with other departments in various Asian and US universities. We found that the top Indian institution based on various parameters in various disciplines was IISc, but overall even the top Indian institutions do not compare favourably with the top US or Asian universities.

Hegemony, Private Actors, and International Institutions: Transnational Corporations as the agents of transformation of the trade regime from GATT to the WTO

Diese Dissertation hat das Ziel, zum einen die Transformation des Handelssystems von der GATT zur Welthandelsorganisation (WTO) im Kontext einer veränderten Weltordnung und zum anderen die Rollen von transnationalen Unternehmen im Rahmen dieser Transformation zu untersuchen und zu verstehen. Die Arbeit wird theoretisch vom Neogramscianismus angeleitet, da die etablierten Ansätzen in den Internationalen Beziehungen und der International Politischen Ökonomie nur unzureichend die intersubjektive Natur von Regimen und nicht-staatlichen Akteuren darstellen. Für Anhänger des Neogramscianismus sind internationale Regime intersubjektive Einheiten, deren Zusammenspiel von Ideen und Machtkonfigurationen historische Strukturen prägen. Die Hegemonie ist ein Konzept, das soziale Einflüsse als Agenten historischen Wandels in international Regimen und der Weltordnung zusammenbindet. Mit dem Konzept der Hegemonie wird eine Machtsituation beschrieben, in der politische Macht in legitime Autorität übersetzt wird, indem die Zustimmung subalterner Akteure eingeholt wird. Hegemonie beinhaltet die konsensuellen Aspekte von Machtausübung in einer jeweiligen Weltordnung. Diese Dissertation argumentiert vor allem, dass die Transformation des Handelssystems als hegemonisch bezeichnet werden kann, da sie parallel mit der Transformation der Weltordnung von einer von den USA dominierten Nachkriegszeit zu einer neoliberalen Hegemonie stattfand. Mit der Transformation zur Welthandlungsorganisation wird der legale Rahmen des Handelssystems neu strukturiert und ihre normative Grundlagen neu definiert, wodurch der ethische Rahmen des Neoliberalismus reflektiert wird. Diese Änderungen werden in der neuartigen Anerkennung der legitimen Autorität des Marktes gegenüber Nationalstaaten und der Anerkennung von der Notwendigkeit von bindenden Disziplinen, die Regierungen übergeordnet sind, reflektiert. Diese Dissertation analysiert zwei Fälle, um die Rolle von transnationalen Unternehmen innerhalb diese Transformationsprozesses zu erklären. Dabei wird der Fokus vor allem auf die Aktivitäten und Fähigkeiten der Unternehmen gerichtet, die Ausrichtung des Handelsregimes zu bestimmen. Die erste Studie untersucht die Eingliederung von Dienstleistungen in das GATT Regime vor und während der Uruguay-Runde (1986 – 1994) und argumentiert, dass diese Eingliederung zu einer Neudefinierung von Liberalisierung und Normen der Nichtdiskriminierung führte. Die zweite Studie analysiert den gescheiterten Versuch, ausländische Direktinvestitionen noch bevor und während der 2001 begonnenen Doha Runde in die Welthandelsorganisation zu integrieren. Letztendlich wird in dieser Dissertation argumentiert, dass transnationale Unternehmen, die in den Vereinigten Staaten ansässig sind, hegemonische Agenten der Regimetransformation waren und eine wichtige Rolle dabei gespielt haben, Dienstleistungen in das GATT einzubinden. Und zwar gelang ihnen dies durch eine in den späten 1970er Jahren begonnenen Kampagne. Auf der einen Seite war die Kampagne darin erfolgreich, etablierte Denkstrukturen zu Handelsthemen systematisch im Sinne des Neoliberalismus zu verändern – und zwar sowohl hinsichtlich der normativen Inhalte als auch der intersubjektiven Bedeutungen des Regimes. Auf der anderen Seite deutet der Fall des Investitionsabkommens die Grenzen der hegemonischen Ideen, Institutionen, und Strömungen seit den frühen 90er Jahren an. Transnationale Unternehmen, die in Europa ansässig waren, sind mit ihren Bemühungen gescheitert, das Regime weiter zu transformieren und das Thema Investitionen in die legalen und normativen Rahmenbedingungen der WTO zu integrieren. Die Prioritäten und Strategien der transnationalen Unternehmen, die Agenda der WTO zu beeinflussen, waren beschränkt und wurden im Kontext einer angefochtenen neoliberalen Hegemonie geformt, die wiederum von dem Widerstand und anti-hegemonischen Kampagnen der Zivilgesellschaft beeinflusst wurden. Die Analyse in dieser Dissertation wurde durch eine qualitative Diskursanalyse von Sekundär- und Primärquellen durchgeführt: Regierungsvorschläge, Verhandlungstexte, Konferenzzusammenfassungen und Statements von Unternehmen.

Rising Brazil: implications for world order and international institutions

Palestra promovida pelo Centro de Relações Internacionais da FGV.

Why Do Some International Institutions Contain Strong Dispute Settlement Provisions: New Evidence from Preferential Trade Agreements

To understand why some international institutions have stronger dispute settlement mechanisms (DSMs) than others, we investigate the dispute settlement provisions of nearly 600 preferential trade agreements (PTAs), which possess several desirable case-selection features and are evoked more than is realized. We broaden the study of dispute settlement design beyond “legalization” and instead reorient theorizing around a multi-faceted conceptualization of the strength of DSMs. We posit that strong DSMs are first and foremost a rational response to features of agreements that require stronger dispute settlement, such as depth and large memberships. Multivariate empirical tests using a new data set on PTA design confirm these expectations and reveal that depth – the amount of policy change specified in an agreement – is the most powerful and consistent predictor of DSM strength, providing empirical support to a long-posited but controversial conjecture. Yet power also plays a sizeable role, since agreements among asymmetric members are more likely to have strong DSMs due to their mutual appeal, as are those involving the United States. Important regional differences also emerge, as PTAs across the Americas are designed with strong dispute settlement, as are Asian PTAs, which contradicts the conventional wisdom about Asian values and legalization. Our findings demonstrate that rationalism explains much of international institutional design, yet it can be enhanced by also incorporating power-based and regional explanations.

International copyright law: A book review

n his 1994 book, Copyright's Highway, Paul Goldstein made the telling prophecy: The celestial jukebox may also portend more revolutional changes in international copyright markets. As the celestial jukebox disseminates information and entertainment over the air and without regard for national boundaries, the importance of the nation-state as a traditional guarantor of copyright may be replaced by international institutions such as the newly established World Trade Organization. In retrospect, it was an accurate prediction. The celestial jukebox has shown little respect for national boundaries. In particular, ephemeral file-sharing programs such as Napster, Freenet and Filetopia have posed difficulties for copyright law. International treaties have taken on larger significance and international institutions such as the World Intellectual Property Organization and World Trade Organization have assumed a greater role in regulating international copyright markets.

Le développement normatif et institutionnel relatif aux peuples autochtones en droit international au regard des fondements de leurs revendications politiques : le droit à l'autodétermination comme théorie unificatrice?

Le présent mémoire se consacre à la question des revendications normatives des peuples autochtones en droit international. On y constate que la reconnaissance de ces dernières représente un défi important autant pour les institutions internationales que pour la philosophie libérale qui en constitue le fondement. Cette reconnaissance sera graduellement admise par les institutions internationales majeures préoccupées par les droits humains. Un corpus normatif international spécifique et exclusif aux autochtones sera ainsi développé pour répondre à leurs aspirations et besoins. La définition de l’identité autochtone permet d’exposer cette particularité de traitement des autochtones en droit international. Elle se fonde sur deux axes. Le premier est culturel, suggérant une différence autochtone fondée sur une conception holistique du monde, laquelle est intimement liée au territoire. Le deuxième axe est historique; il fait appel à une longue présence sur un lieu, parfois qualifiée d’immémoriale, en tous les cas antérieure au contact avec un envahisseur qui mènera à leur situation actuelle de marginalisation. Ces fondements identitaires se trouvent à la source des justifications des revendications normatives autochtones. Cependant, ces fondements posent des problèmes de qualification difficiles à concilier avec la diversité des bénéficiaires des droits des autochtones. Ils entraînent également des difficultés importantes au regard de la théorie politique, laquelle s’efforce de réconcilier les revendications autochtones avec le libéralisme et les structures politiques actuelles. Une réconciliation entre les peuples autochtones et les États soulève en effet de délicates questions de légitimité et de justice. Afin d’éviter les pièges d’une autochtonie confinée dans un paradigme culturel et historique, S. J. Anaya propose le concept d’autodétermination comme fondement unique des revendications autochtones. Ce concept doit cependant lui-même faire face à un défi de conciliation avec les structures politiques existantes. Nous verrons que s’il permet de poser les jalons d’une nouvelle relation politique, le droit à l’autodétermination des peuples autochtones semble cependant incapable de dépasser les fondements de la culture et de l’histoire inhérents à l’identité autochtone.

International authority and its politicization

The article focuses on the politicization of international authority as a thus far little understood development in world politics. We first define the concept and show that there is an empirical trend towards politicization of international institutions. We then argue that the increasing authority of international institutions has led to their politicization and we relate this hypothesis to alternative explanations. The validity of the authority–politicization nexus is illustrated by the rise of international authority in parallel to politicization. We go on to distinguish different policy functions such as rule definition, monitoring, interpretation, and enforcement in order to show that especially those international institutions with a high level of authority meet with strong contestation of their competencies. We conclude the article by exploring various avenues for future politicization research.

The Legal Status and Influence of Decisions of International Organizations and other Bodies in the European Union. College of Europe Research Paper in Law 01/2014

Introduction. The European Union’s external action is not only defined by its influence on international developments, but also by its ability and the need to respond to those developments. While traditionally many have stressed the EU’s ‘autonomy’, over the years its ‘dependence’ on global developments has become more clear.2 International law has continued to play a key role in, not only in the EU’s external relations, but also in the Union’s own legal order.3 The purpose of this paper is not to assess the role or performance of the EU in international institutions.4 Rather it purports to reverse the picture and focus on a somewhat under-researched topic: the legal status of decisions of international organizations in the EU’s legal order.5 While parts of the status of these decisions relate to the status of international agreements and international customary law, it can be argued that decisions of international organizations and other international bodies form a distinct category. In fact, it has been observed that “this phenomenon has added a new layer of complexity to the already complex law of external relations of the European Union”.6 Emerging questions relate to the possible difference between decisions of international organizations of which the EU is a member (such as the FAO) and decisions of organizations where it is not (irrespective of existing competences in that area – such as in the ILO). Questions also relate to the hierarchical status of these decisions in the EU’s legal order and to the possibility of them being invoked in direct or indirect actions before the Court of Justice. This contribution takes a broad perspective on decisions of international organizations by including decisions taken in other international institutions which do not necessarily comply with the standard definition of international organizations,7 be it bodies set-up by multilateral conventions or informal (transnational / regulatory) bodies. Some of these bodies are relatively close to the EU (such as the Councils established by Association Agreements – see further Section 5 below); others operate at a certain distance. Limiting the analysis to formal international organizations will not do justice to the manifold relationships between the European Union and various international bodies and to the effects of the norms produced by these bodies. The term ‘international decisions’ is therefore used to refer to any normative output of international institutional arrangements.

A world soils agenda: Discussing international actions for the sustainable use of soils

Promoting sustainable forms of natural resource management is a challenge land users are unable to tackle solely on their own initiative. Soil and land degradation remains an unresolved problem of global environmental change. There is a need for concerted international action that directly addresses this issue at the global level. A discussion of action to promote the sustainable use of soils and land took place in a working group established by the International Union of Soil Sciences (IUSS) in 1998. The present publication reports on the results of this discussion and proposes that the international community establish a ‘world soils agenda’ that will enable the scientific community, international institutions and their national partners to work together towards the common goal of safeguarding soils and land as resources central to our own survival as well as the Earth’s biological wealth.

Hierarchy of governance institutions and the pecking order of privatisation

This article discusses property rights, corporate governance frameworks and privatisation outcomes in the Central–Eastern Europe and Central Asia (CEECA) region. We argue that while CEECA still suffers from deficient ‘higher order’ institutions, this is not attracting sufficient attention from international institutions like EBRD and the World Bank, which focus on ‘lower order’ indicators. We discuss factors that may alleviate the negative impact of the weakness in institutional environment and argue for the pecking order of privatisation, where equivalent privatisation is given a priority but speed is not compromised.

International ethics and globalization

In the inherently anarchic international system the validity of moral principles is weakening. To overcome anarchy global governance is needed. It means efficient international institutions, but also pressures from the global civil society and the self-regulation of business. Multinational firms have the duty of cooperating in governance systems. They also have the duty of reconciling in their activity the two, equally legitimate claims of universalism and cultural relativism; i.e., applying universal moral principles and respecting local moral norms. Finally, multinationals must be guided by the principle of enhanced responsibility. However, although globalizing efforts are important in overcoming international anarchy and coordinating the protection of global commons, strong arguments support the notion that economic globalization does not promote sustainable development. Some form of localization of the economy is certainly needed. The challenge is to find a way towards more global governance with less economic globalization.

The Concept of Transparency in International Relations: towards a critical approach

Transparency is an important concept in International Relations. The possibility of realizing transparency in practice operates as a central analytical axis defining distinct positions on core theoretical problems within the field, from the security dilemma to the function of international institutions and beyond. As a political practice the pursuit of transparent governance is a dominant feature of global politics, promoted by a wide range of actors across a vast range of issue areas, from nuclear proliferation to Internet governance to the politics of foreign aid. Yet, despite its importance, precisely what transparency means or how the concept is understood is frequently ill-defined by academics and policy-makers alike. As a result, the epistemological and ontological underpinnings of approaches to transparency in IR often sit in tension with their wider theoretical commitments. This article will examine the three primary understandings of transparency used in IR in order to unpack these commitments. It finds that while transparency is often explicitly conceptualized as a property of information, particularly within rationalist scholarship, this understanding rests upon an unarticulated set of sociological assumptions. This analysis suggests that conceptualizing ‘transparency-as-information’ without a wider sociology of knowledge production is highly problematic, potentially obscuring our ability to recognize transparent practices in global governance. Understanding transparency as dialogue, as a social practice rooted in shared cognitive capacities and epistemic frameworks, provides a firmer analytical ground from which to examine transparency in International Relations.

Impeding good governance implementation in Indonesian regional government : the effect of a bureaucratic generation gap

The implementation of ‘good governance’ in Indonesia’s regional government sector became a central tenet in governance research following the introduction of the national code for governance in 2006. The code was originally drafted in 1999 as a response to the Asian financial crises and many cases of unearthed corruption, collusion, and nepotism. It was reviewed in 2001 and again in 2006 to incorporate relevant political, economical, and social developments. Even though the national code exists along with many regional government decrees on good governance, the extent of implementation of the tenets of good governance in Indonesia’s regional government is still questioned. Previous research on good governance implementation in Indonesian regional government (Mardiasmo, Barnes and Sakurai, 2008) identified differences in the nature and depth of implementation between various Indonesian regional governments. This paper analyses and extends this recent work and explores key factors that may impede the implementation and sustained application of governance practices across regional settings. The bureaucratic culture of Indonesian regional government is one that has been shaped for over approximately 30 years, in particular during that of the Soeharto regime. Previous research on this regime suggests a bureaucratic culture with a mix of positive and negative aspects. On one hand Soeharto’s regime resulted in strong development growth and strong economic fundamentals, resulting in Indonesia being recognised as one of the Asian economic tigers prior to the 1997 Asian financial crises. The financial crises however revealed a bureaucratic culture that was rife with corruption, collusion, and nepotism. Although subsequent Indonesian governments have been committed to eradicating entrenched practices it seems apparent that the culture is ingrained within the bureaucracy and eradication of it will take time. Informants from regional government agree with this observation, as they identify good governance as an innovative mechanism and to implement it will mean a deviation from the “old ways.” Thus there is a need for a “changed” mind set in order to implement sustained governance practices. Such an exercise has proven to be challenging so far, as there is “hidden” resistance from within the bureaucracy to change its ways. The inertia of such bureaucratic cultures forms a tension against the opportunity for the implementation of good governance. From this context an emergent finding is the existence of a ‘bureaucratic generation gap’ as an impeding variable to enhanced and more efficient implementation of governance systems. It was found that after the Asian financial crises the Indonesian government (both at national and regional level) drew upon a wider human resources pool to fill government positions – including entrants from academia, the private sector, international institutions, foreign nationals and new graduates. It suggested that this change in human capital within government is at the core of this ‘inter-generational divide.’ This divergence is exemplified, at one extreme, by [older] bureaucrats who have been in-position for long periods of time serving during the extended Soeharto regime. The “new” bureaucrats have only sat in their positions since the end of Asian financial crisis and did not serve during Soeharto’s regime. It is argued that the existence of this generation gap and associated aspects of organisational culture have significantly impeded modernising governance practices across regional Indonesia. This paper examines the experiences of government employees in five Indonesian regions: Solok, Padang, Gorontalo, Bali, and Jakarta. Each regional government is examined using a mixed methodology comprising of on-site observation, document analysis, and iterative semi-structured interviewing. Drawing from the experiences of five regional governments in implementing good governance this paper seeks to better understand the causal contexts of variable implementation governance practices and to suggest enhancements to the development of policies for sustainable inter-generational change in governance practice across regional government settings.