803 resultados para Institutional capacity
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This paper examines an attempt to build capacity and empower local institutions in war-torn Jaffna,, on the northern tip of Sri Lanka. A participatory approach that is aimed at social empowerment is seen to be possible even under the most restrictive of political environments. However, whether or not the development intervention provides a foundation for longer-term improvement depends on the extent to which institutional capacity is built. Through an examination of the Jaffna Reconstruction Project, it is argued that if any of the ingredients of this institutional capacity are missing, not only will the 'islands of participation and empowerment' that are built by the development initiative be short-lived, but there may also be a negligible contribution to building a foundation for longer-term improvement in quality of life. (C) 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
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Employing critical pedagogy and transformative theory as a theoretical framework, I examined a learning process associated with building capacity in community-based organizations (CBOs) through an investigation of the Institutional Capacity Building Program (ICBP) initiated by a Foundation. The study sought to: (a) examine the importance of institutional capacity building for individual and community development; (b) investigate elements of a process associated with a program and characteristics of a learning process for building capacity in CBOs; and (c) analyze the Foundation’s approach to synthesizing, systematizing, and sharing learning. The study used a narrative research design that included 3 one-on-one, hour-long interviews with 2 women having unique vantage points in ICBP: one is a program facilitator working at the Foundation and the other runs a CBO supported by the Foundation. The interviews’ semistructured questions allowed interviewees to share stories regarding their experience with the learning process of ICB and enabled themes to emerge from their day-to-day experience. Through the analysis of this learning process for institutional capacity building, a few lessons can be drawn from the experience of the Foundation.
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Armed with the ‘equity’ and ‘conservation’ arguments that have a deep resonance with farming communities, developing countries are crafting a range of measures designed to protect farmers’ access to innovations, reward their contributions to the conservation and enhancement of plant genetic resources and provide incentives for sustained on-farm conservation. These measures range from the commericialization of farmers’ varieties to the conferment of a set of legally enforceable rights on farming communities – the exercise of which is expected to provide economic rewards to those responsible for on-farm conservation and innovation. The rights-based approach has been the cornerstone of legislative provision for implementing farmers’ rights in most developing countries. In drawing up these measures, developing countries do not appear to have systematically examined or provided for the substantial institutional capacity required for the effective implementation of farmers’ rights provisions. The lack of institutional capacity threatens to undermine any prospect of serious implementation of these provisions. More importantly, the expectation that significant incentives for on-farm conservation and innovation will flow from these ‘rights’ may be based on a flawed understanding of the economics of intellectual property rights. While farmers’ rights may provide only limited rewards for conservation, they may still have the effect of diluting the incentives for innovative institutional breeding programs – with the private sector increasingly relying on non-IPR instruments to profit from innovation. The focus on a rights-based approach may also draw attention away from alternative stewardship-based approaches to the realization of farmers’ rights objectives.
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In light of the existing theories about institutional change, this paper seeks to advance a common framework to understand the unfolding of decentralization and federalization in three countries: Brazil, Spain, and South Africa. Although in different continents, these three countries witnessed processes after their respective transitions to democracy that transferred administrative and fiscal authority to their regions (decentralization) and vertically distributed political and institutional capacity (federalization). This paper attempts to explain how institutional changes prompted a shift of power and authority towards regional governments by looking at internal sources of change within the intergovernmental arena in the three countries. This analysis is organized around two propositions: that once countries transit to democracy under all-encompassing constitutions there are high incentives for institutional change, and that under a bargained intergovernmental interaction among political actors subnational political elites are able to advance their interests incrementally. In short, through a common framework this paper will explain the evolving dynamics of intergovernmental dynamics in three countries.
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Article 197 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union stipulates that effective implementation of Union law by the Member States shall be regarded as a matter of common interest. This article considers how Member States may improve their administrative capacity to apply EU law effectively. A law or policy is effectively implemented when it can be confirmed that its objectives, targets or results are actually achieved. It is proposed that effective implementation in the EU is a ‘collaborative project’. This is not only because Member States benefit when others correctly implement common rules, but also because they learn from the experiences of other Member States. It follows that the public authorities responsible for implementation of EU law need to benchmark their performance against that of their peers in other Member States and therefore need to develop the institutional capacity for assessing and adjusting their own performance.
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Biodiversity loss is one of the most significant drivers of ecosystem change and is projected to continue at a rapid rate. While protected areas, such as national parks, are seen as important refuges for biodiversity, their effectiveness in stemming biodiversity decline has been questioned. Public agencies have a critical role in the governance of many such areas, but there are tensions between the need for these agencies to be more “adaptive” and their current operating environment. Our aim is to analyze how institutions enable or constrain capacity to conserve biodiversity in a globally significant cross-border network of protected areas, the Australian Alps. Using a novel conceptual framework for diagnosing biodiversity institutions, our research examined institutional adaptive capacity and more general capacity for conserving biodiversity. Several intertwined issues limit public agencies’ capacity to fulfill their conservation responsibilities. Narrowly defined accountability measures constrain adaptive capacity and divert attention away from addressing key biodiversity outcomes. Implications for learning were also evident, with protected area agencies demonstrating successful learning for on-ground issues but less success in applying this learning to deeper policy change. Poor capacity to buffer political and community influences in managing significant cross-border drivers of biodiversity decline signals poor fit with the institutional context and has implications for functional fit. While cooperative federalism provides potential benefits for buffering through diversity, it also means protected area agencies have restricted authority to address cross-border threats. Restrictions on staff authority and discretion, as public servants, have further implications for deploying capacity. This analysis, particularly the possibility of fostering “ambidexterity”—creatively responding to political pressures in a way that also achieves a desirable outcome for biodiversity conservation—is one promising way of building capacity to buffer both political influences and ecological pressures. The findings and the supporting analysis provide insight into how institutional capacity to conserve biodiversity can be enhanced in protected areas in Australia and elsewhere, especially those governed by public agencies and/or multiple organizations and across jurisdictions.
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RESUMO: O trabalho que se apresenta no âmbito desta dissertação, é direcionado para a problemática da Água, do Saneamento Básico e dos Resíduos Sólidos Urbanos «RSU» em São Tomé e Príncipe. Num contexto de desenvolvimento e indo ao encontro dos anseios da Organização das Nações Unidas «ONU» e da sua perspetiva de alcançar os Objetivos do Milénio nesta área tão importante. Elegeu-se como primordial objetivo, conhecer as indicações técnico políticas instituídas em São Tomé e Príncipe, para a gestão dos problemas acima enumerados. Entender esses problemas, identificar as dificuldades sentidas pelo governo e pela generalidade dos seus habitantes no acesso à água, ao saneamento básico, à recolha e tratamento de RSU. Outra vertente será direcionada para apontar caminhos nestas áreas, onde a capacidade institucional tarda em dar resposta às necessidades básicas destes setores, inviabilizando um desenvolvimento sustentado destes ramos. Esta dissertação, assenta ainda no reconhecimento e na importância estratégica em se valorizar e consolidar redes técnico-científicas no âmbito da Linha de Investigação em Estudos Africanos e Pós-Coloniais, inserida na Unidade de Estudos e Investigação em Ciência, Tecnologia e Sociedade «UEICTS» da Universidade Lusófona de Humanidades e Tecnologias «ULHT».ABSTRACT: The work presented in this dissertation, is directed to the problem of Water Sanitation and Solid Waste «RSU» in Sao Tome and Principe. In a context of development, fulfillment of the wishes of the United Nations «UN» and its prospect of achieving the Millennium Goals in this important area. The prime objective, is, to know the indications and technical policies in place in Sao Tome and Principe for the management of the problems listed above. Understanding these problems, identifying the difficulties faced by government and by most of its residents in relation, to access to water, sanitation, collection and treatment of Solid Waste. Another aspect, is directed, to point, to ways, in these subjects where institutional capacity is slow to respond to basic needs of these sectors, preventing a sustained development of these industries. This dissertation focus on the recognition and strategic importance in considering and consolidate technical and scientific networks in the line of Research in African and Lusophone, inserted at the Unit for Studies and Research in Science, Technology and Society «UEICTS» Lusophone University of Humanities and Technology «ULHT».
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The problem of small Island Developing States (SIDS) is quite recent, end of the 80s and 90s, still looking for a theoretical consolidation. SIDS, as small states in development, formed by one or several islands geographically dispersed, present reduced population, market, territory, natural resources, including drinkable water, and, in great number of the cases, low level of economic activity, factors that together, hinder the gathering of scale economies. To these diseconomies they come to join the more elevated costs in transports and communications which, allies to lower productivities, to a smaller quality and diversification of its productions, which difficult its integration in the world economy. In some SIDS these factors are not dissociating of the few investments in infrastructures, in the formation of human resources and in productive investments, just as it happens in most of the developing countries. In ecological terms, many of them with shortage of natural resources, but integrating important ecosystems in national and world terms, but with great fragility relatively to the pollution action, of excessive fishing, of uncontrolled development of tourism, factors that, conjugated and associated to the stove effect, condition the climate and the slope of the medium level of the sea water and therefore could put in cause the own survival of some of them. The drive to the awareness of the international community towards its problems summed up with the accomplishment by the United Nations in the Barbados’s Conference, 1994 where the right to the development was emphasized, through the going up the appropriate strategies and the Programme of Action for the Sustainable Development of the SIDS. The orientation of the regional and international cooperation in that sense, sharing technology (namely clean technology and control and administration environmental technology), information and creation of capacity-building, supplying means, including financial resources, creating non discriminatory and just trade rules, it would drive to the establishment of a world system economically more equal, in which the production, the consumption, the pollution levels, the demographic politics were guided towards the sustainability. It constituted an important step for the recognition for the international community on the specificities of those states and it allowed the definition of a group of norms and politics to implement at the national, regional and international level and it was important that they continued in the sense of the sustainable development. But this Conference had in its origin previous summits: the Summit of Rio de Janeiro about Environment and Development, accomplished in 1992, which left an important document - the Agenda 21, in the Conference of Stockholm at 1972 and even in the Conference of Ramsar, 1971 about “Wetlands.” CENTRO DE ESTUDOS AFRICANOS Occasional Papers © CEA - Centro de Estudos Africanos 4 Later, the Valletta Declaration, Malta, 1998, the Forum of Small States, 2002, get the international community's attention for the problems of SIDS again, in the sense that they act to increase its resilience. If the definition of “vulnerability” was the inability of the countries to resist economical, ecological and socially to the external shocks and “resilience” as the potential for them to absorb and minimize the impact of those shocks, presenting a structure that allows them to be little affected by them, a part of the available studies, dated of the 90s, indicate that the SIDS are more vulnerable than the other developing countries. The vulnerability of SIDS results from the fact the they present an assemblage of characteristics that turns them less capable of resisting or they advance strategies that allow a larger resilience to the external shocks, either anthropogenic (economical, financial, environmental) or even natural, connected with the vicissitudes of the nature. If these vulnerability factors were grouped with the expansion of the economic capitalist system at world level, the economic and financial globalisation, the incessant search of growing profits on the part of the multinational enterprises, the technological accelerated evolution drives to a situation of disfavour of the more poor. The creation of the resilience to the external shocks, to the process of globalisation, demands from SIDS and of many other developing countries the endogen definition of strategies and solid but flexible programs of integrated development. These must be assumed by the instituted power, but also by the other stakeholders, including companies and organizations of the civil society and for the population in general. But that demands strong investment in the formation of human resources, in infrastructures, in investigation centres; it demands the creation capacity not only to produce, but also to produce differently and do international marketing. It demands institutional capacity. Cape Verde is on its way to this stage.
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Los países que salen de conflictos armados internos deben afrontar el reto de lograr el equilibrio entre los acuerdos para establecer la paz de un lado y la búsqueda de la justicia y la reconciliación de otro. En realidad, los procesos de justicia y reconciliación están bajo la influencia de numerosos factores entre los cuales se cuentan el impacto del conflicto, los recursos disponibles, el grado de voluntad política, la capacidad institucional, las normas legales, entre otros. En este contexto, la justicia transicional, la reparación, las reformas institucionales, la cooperación con la comunidad internacional y la búsqueda de una paz sostenible son temas importantes. Esta monografía se centra en el dilema entre el derecho de las víctimas a la justicia y el derecho a vivir en paz en un régimen democrático con base en el proceso que adelanta el Gobierno con grupos paramilitares.
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Este artículo compara los programas de salud materno-infantil en Argentina y Chile, prestándole especial atención a las características institucionales de largo plazo y las tendencias neoliberales presentes en la organización de las reformas sociales de las décadas de 1980 y 1990. Objetivo: Llevar a cabo un estudio comparativo sobre las transformaciones de los programas de salud y nutrición materno-infantil, teniendo en cuenta tres aspectos conectados entre sí: las políticas sociales, las capacidades institucionales y la ejecución de políticas. Metodología: El análisis documental realizado en este artículo se enmarca en el modelo de fuerza estructural de Carmelo Mesa-Lago y en el modelo de la estructura centrada en el estado de Theda Skocpol. Conclusiones: A pesar de la relativa similitud en los lineamientos de las políticas de salud aplicadas en ambos países, los contrastes en las características institucionales a largo plazo (los programas chilenos abordaron la salud materno-infantil de forma más eficiente que los argentinos) representan la mayor parte de la variación en el proceso general de aplicación de las reformas y el desempeño de las políticas de salud materna e infantil.
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Turkey's accession to the European Union (EU) has become, over the years, one of the most contentious issues of European integration. On October 3rd 2005, the European Commission began negotiations for its accession, and, although they will probably not be completed within a decade, its objective is the full accession to the Union. Turkey's accession to the EU presents challenges for both parties, but especially for the European Union. There are very different challenges from the previous accessions, indeed. This work aims to analyze the challenges the EU will face towards Turkey's possible accession to the European Community. Therefore, this work has been divided into three sections. In the first of them, entitled "Brief history of a complex negotiation", the negotiation is briefly described. The second, "Aspects to take into account for Turkey's accession to the European Union", in which different relevant (geopolitical, economic and financial, demographic, cultural and religious) aspects of the possible a cession are discussed: aspects that will have an important impact in the development and performance of the European Community, once accession is fulfilled. The third and last section, "Turkey's incorporating challenges", discusses the challenges the EU will have to face with the potential accession of Turkey, specifically concerning four dimensions: institutional capacity, regional and cohesion policy, EU common security and foreign policy.
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El presente proyecto de investigación describe y analiza el surgimiento de las Compañías Militares y de Seguridad Privadas (CMSP) como fenómeno transnacional y como actor del sistema internacional, además analiza la participación que han tenido en el escenario colombiano, muestra la relación y los puntos de contacto con diferentes actores inmersos en el conflicto armado (1988 - 2012). En primer lugar, expone el contacto con el paramilitarismo, posteriormente, detalla la relación de las CSMP con el Estado colombiano y revela la contratación por parte de empresas multinacionales con mercenarios. También, refleja las consecuencias y los efectos de la participación de las CMSP en la guerra, en la sociedad y en la capacidad institucional y coercitiva del Estado colombiano, para dejar a consideración si es necesario que firmas mercenarias incidan en el conflicto colombiano conociendo las ventajas y desventajas de su participación. Palabras Claves: Compañías Militares y de Seguridad Privadas, privatización de la seguridad, mercenarismo, conflicto armado colombiano, Nuevas Guerras.
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Este trabajo hace una propuesta de política educativa para Colombia que permita mejorar la calidad de la educación básica, secundaria y media y así convertirla en una herramienta efectiva de movilidad social. Se muestra que Colombia ha tenido avances importantes en cobertura. Sin embargo, las mejoras en términos de calidad han sido marginales e inequitativas. Las propuestas de política son: i) fortalecimiento de la evaluación de la calidad de la educación; ii) fortalecimiento de la capacidad institucional de los colegios públicos; iii) implementación de la jornada escolar completa; iv) implementación de una política de docentes que permita atraer mejores profesionales y mejorar los instrumentos de evaluación de los docentes; v) participación del sector privado en la provisión de educación.