992 resultados para Institutional Innovation


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Recent years have seen widespread experimentation with market-based instruments (MBIs) for the provision of environmental goods and ecosystem services. However, little attention has been paid to their design or to the effects of the underlying pro-market narrative on environmental policy instruments. The purpose of this article is to analyze the emergence and dissemination of the term "market-based instruments" applied to the provision of environmental services and to assess to what extent the instruments associated are genuinely innovative. The recommendation to develop markets can lead in practice to a variety of institutional forms, as we show it based on the example of payments for environmental services (PES) and biodiversity offsets, two very different mechanisms that are both presented in the literature as MBIs. Our purpose is to highlight the gap between discourse and practice in connection with MBIs.

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The purpose of this thesis is to study how Russian entrepreneurs perceive Finnish institutional environment and innovation support policies provided in the country, as well as to present a practical example in form of a case study of one technology oriented start-up firm which was established in Finland by Russian entrepreneurs. The empirical research of the thesis is conducted qualitatively in two parts. First part is conducted through online questionnaire with open questions in order to review the perceptions of Russian entrepreneurs in general. Second part is based on personal interviews with case company’s founders with the focus on the process of establishing the company in Finland. In the first part of the empirical research, five Russian start-up firms were contacted, and four responses were received. All of these responses were qualified for further analysis. The findings of the first part of the research reveal that Russian entrepreneurs have rather positive attitudes towards Finnish institutional innovation support policies. However, most of the entrepreneurs stated that they are unlikely to create their presence in Finland. As an outcome of the second part of the research, the process of establishing a case company in Finland is illustrated. In order to be able to establish companies in Finland, Russian entrepreneurs who have a permanent residence outside European Economic Area (EEA) are required to apply for a permission to perform business operations in the country. In addition, the established company must engage in improving the economical stand of the country by creating new work places, raising tax revenues, develop technologies and generate innovations in the country.

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Report of the work of the Projects funded by the JISC Institutional change/innovation Programme 2008-2010. Report produced by the Synthesis and Benefits Realisation Team linked to the Programme.

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Public and private actors increasingly cooperate in global governance, a realm previously reserved for states and intergovernmental organizations (IOs). This trend raises fascinating theoretical questions. What explains the rise in public-private institutions and their role in international politics? Who leads such institutional innovation and why? To address the questions, this paper develops a theory of the political demand and supply of public-private institutions and specifies the conditions under which IOs and non-state actors would cooperate, and states would support this public-private cooperation. The observable implications of the theoretical argument are evaluated against the broad trends in public-private cooperation and in a statistical analysis of the significance of demand and supply-side incentives in public-private cooperation for sustainable development. The study shows that public-private institutions do not simply fill governance gaps opened by globalization, but cluster in narrower areas of cooperation, where the strategic interests of IOs, states, and transnational actors intersect.

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Institutions are widely regarded as important, even ultimate drivers of economic growth and performance. A recent mainstream of institutional economics has concentrated on the effect of persisting, often imprecisely measured institutions and on cataclysmic events as agents of noteworthy institutional change. As a consequence, institutional change without large-scale shocks has received little attention. In this dissertation I apply a complementary, quantitative-descriptive approach that relies on measures of actually enforced institutions to study institutional persistence and change over a long time period that is undisturbed by the typically studied cataclysmic events. By placing institutional change into the center of attention one can recognize different speeds of institutional innovation and the continuous coexistence of institutional persistence and change. Specifically, I combine text mining procedures, network analysis techniques and statistical approaches to study persistence and change in England’s common law over the Industrial Revolution (1700-1865). Based on the doctrine of precedent - a peculiarity of common law systems - I construct and analyze the apparently first citation network that reflects lawmaking in England. Most strikingly, I find large-scale change in the making of English common law around the turn of the 19th century - a period free from the typically studied cataclysmic events. Within a few decades a legal innovation process with low depreciation rates (1 to 2 percent) and strong past-persistence transitioned to a present-focused innovation process with significantly higher depreciation rates (4 to 6 percent) and weak past-persistence. Comparison with U.S. Supreme Court data reveals a similar U.S. transition towards the end of the 19th century. The English and U.S. transitions appear to have unfolded in a very specific manner: a new body of law arose during the transitions and developed in a self-referential manner while the existing body of law lost influence, but remained prominent. Additional findings suggest that Parliament doubled its influence on the making of case law within the first decades after the Glorious Revolution and that England’s legal rules manifested a high degree of long-term persistence. The latter allows for the possibility that the often-noted persistence of institutional outcomes derives from the actual persistence of institutions.

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This paper breaks new ground toward contractual and institutional innovation in models of homeownership, equity building, and mortgage enforcement. Inspired by recent developments in the affordable housing sector and in other types of public financing schemes, this paper suggests extending institutional and financial strategies such as timeand place-based division of property rights, conditional subsidies, and credit mediation to alleviate the systemic risks of mortgage foreclosure. Alongside a for-profit shared equity scheme that would be led by local governments, we also outline a private market shared equity model, one of bootstrapping home buying with purchase options.

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This Article breaks new ground toward contractual and institutional innovation in models of homeownership, equity building, and mortgage enforcement. Inspired by recent developments in the affordable housing sector and other types of public financing schemes, we suggest extending institutional and financial strategies such as time- and place-based division of property rights, conditional subsidies, and credit mediation to alleviate the systemic risks of mortgage foreclosure. Two new solutions offer a broad theoretical basis for such developments in the economic and legal institution of homeownership: a for-profit shared equity scheme led by local governments alongside a private market shared equity model, one of "bootstrapping home buying with purchase options".

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Pourquoi, comment et quand y a-t-il changement institutionnel et politique en Afrique ? En examinant les stratégies de développement économique de l’Afrique postcoloniale et en s’intéressant à l’évolution du rôle de l’État – État comme acteur central du développement, tentative du retrait de l’État, interventionnisme limité au social, retour de l’État dans la sphère économique –, la présente thèse se propose d’expliquer le changement sous l’angle original des innovations politiques et institutionnelles. En effet, derrière l’apparente continuité que la plupart des auteurs tant analytiques que normatifs fustigent, il se produit des innovations dont nous proposons de rendre compte par le biais des variables idéationnelles, stratégiques, temporelles et institutionnelles. Cette thèse propose ainsi une analyse comparative inédite du rôle des acteurs nationaux (élites, États, administrations publiques du Bénin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, Côte d’Ivoire, Congo, Sénégal, Mali, Niger, Togo), des institutions internationales (FMI, Banque mondiale, ONU) et des organisations d’intégration régionale (Union africaine, NEPAD) dans l’émergence et les trajectoires des stratégies de développement en Afrique. Les contextes temporels favorables, les crises des modèles précédents, les configurations et héritages institutionnels structurants, les stratégies instrumentales des acteurs intéressés, l’apprentissage politique, les dimensions cognitives et normatives des idées permettent d’expliquer la diffusion, la sédimentation et la conversion institutionnelles comme processus privilégiés d’innovation en Afrique. La critique de ces concepts permet de développer des outils mieux adaptés pour expliquer certaines innovations, soit l’inclusion et l’intrusion institutionnelles. L’inclusion institutionnelle est un processus mi-stratégique et mi-idéationnel à travers lequel les acteurs nationaux ou régionaux incluent intentionnellement des stratégies (ou solutions) internationales déjà existantes dans une nouvelle institution ou politique dans le but d’accroître la probabilité d’acceptation (reconnaissance, convenance sociale, partage réel ou supposé des mêmes valeurs) ou de succès (pour faire valoir les intérêts) de cette dernière dans un environnement politique structuré. Les idées sont constitutives des intérêts dans ce processus. L’intrusion institutionnelle renvoie à un processus mi-stratégique et mi-structurel par lequel les acteurs nationaux se font relativement imposer de nouvelles institutions ou politiques qu’ils n’acceptent qu’en raison de l’asymétrie de pouvoir, de la contrainte structurelle (structure), ou des gains escomptés (stratégies) des acteurs internationaux, alors que des solutions de rechange pertinentes et non contraignantes sont quasi inexistantes. Ceci n’exclut pas l’existence d’une marge de manœuvre des acteurs nationaux. Inspirés de spécialistes comme Nicolas van de Walle, Kathleen Thelen, Robert Bates, Barry Weingast, Alexander Wendt, Peter Hall, Theda Skocpol et Paul Pierson, ces concepts d’intrusion et d’inclusion institutionnelles que nous proposons réconcilient des approches parfois jugées contradictoires en intégrant les dimensions stratégiques, institutionnelles, historiques et idéationnelles à l’analyse d’un même objet scientifique. Au niveau empirique, la présente thèse permet d’avoir une meilleure compréhension des processus d’émergence des stratégies de développement économique en Afrique, ainsi qu’une meilleure connaissance des relations entre les acteurs internationaux, régionaux et nationaux en ce qui concerne l’émergence et le développement des institutions et des politiques publiques relatives au développement. Une attention particulière est accordée à la dynamique entre différents acteurs et variables (idées, intérêts, institution, temps) pour expliquer les principales stratégies des trois dernières décennies : les stratégies nationales de développement du Bénin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, Côte d’Ivoire, Congo, Sénégal, Mali, Niger, Togo, le Plan d’action de Lagos, les programmes d’ajustement structurel, le Nouveau Partenariat pour le Développement de l’Afrique, les Documents de stratégie pour la réduction de la pauvreté et certaines interventions du Fonds monétaire international, de Banque mondiale et de l’ONU. En s’intéressant à la question de l’innovation délaissée à tort par la plupart des analyses sérieuses, la présente thèse renouvelle la discussion sur le changement et l’innovation politiques et institutionnels en Afrique et en science politique.

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Cette recherche apporte un éclairage nouveau sur les associations patronales au Québec, tout en contribuant au développement d’outils théoriques qui pourront être mis à profit lors de recherches ultérieures. Les associations patronales québécoises se dédient à la défense des intérêts collectifs de leurs membres, déterminés en fonction de certaines valeurs caractéristiques du libéralisme économique. Les membres exercent pour leur part une influence sur l'agenda stratégique de leur association. Aussi, la perception que les acteurs patronaux ont d’eux-mêmes varie en fonction de la provenance des fonds dont ils disposent et leur indépendance économique est perçue comme un gage de légitimité. De plus, le type de stratégies pour lequel optent les associations patronales est influencé par le niveau géo-économique auquel se déroulent leurs activités. Enfin, les associations patronales mettent en place des innovations institutionnelles afin de renouveler des processus devenus désuets et ce, grâce aux ressources de pouvoir dont elles disposent. Plusieurs éléments déterminent les moyens mis en œuvre par les associations patronales pour influencer les politiques publiques, les relations du travail et les institutions du marché du travail. L'État est d’ailleurs la cible première de leurs actions et ce, principalement en ce qui concerne les dossiers relatifs à la sphère économique. La prise en considération des intérêts individuels et collectifs des membres détermine si les organisations mobilisent leurs ressources de pouvoir pour engendrer des changements institutionnels, ce qui les place dans une logique proactive. Les ressources de pouvoir ne sont toutefois pas toujours mises à profit dans ce but, car la plupart du temps, les associations se comportent de manière réactive, sans chercher à modifier leur environnement institutionnel.

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This manuscript demonstrates that voters have nothing to be afraid of when new hard budget constraint legislation is implemented. Our claim is that this kind of legislation reduces the asymmetry of information between voters and incumbents over the budget and, as a consequence, the latter have incentives to increase the supply of public goods. As a nationwide institutional innovation, the Fiscal Responsibility Law (FRL) is exogenous to all municipalities; therefore, there is no self-selection bias in its implementation. We show that public goods expenditure increases after the FRL. Second, this increase occurs in municipalities located in the country’s poorest region. Third, our findings can be extended to the supply of public goods because the higher the expenditure with health and education, the greater the probability of incumbents being re-elected. Finally, there exists a “de facto” higher supply of public goods in education (number of per capita classrooms) after the FRL.

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Includes bibliography

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This article is to discuss the evaluative perspectives from which it is possible and convenient evaluate the Participatory Budgets (PBs) and the participatory institutions (PIs) that are being experienced in Brazil since the last two decades of the last century. It is proposed an integrated perspective of evaluation of PBs and PIs, in order to avoid partial and biased conclusions, especially those which are based solely or primarily on quantitative methodologies. This discussion is necessary since, in the past five years, the criticism of these experiments has been increasing. Through critical and creative reflection, in essay form, and based on the recent literature on the topic, it is concluded by the need to adopt, in the empirical evaluation, an integrated approach of evaluation of the PBs and the PIs, such as it is proposed in this article. It is conclude also which is fundamental for the theoretical advancement on the subject dedicate special attention to the desirability or not of adopting the criterion of popular participation in government decisions under representative democracy, since it is refuted by public choice and defended by neo-republicanism.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)