Pressure groups and experts in environmental regulation

We study a problem of adverse selection in the context of environmental regulation, where the firm may suffer from a certain degree of ignorance about its own type. In a framework like the construction of a certain infrastructure project, the presence of ignorance about its impact on the environment, can play an important role in the determination of the regulatory policy. First, an optimal contract is constructed for any exogenous level of ignorance. Second, the presence of potentially informed third-parties is studied from the perspective of the regulator, which allows us to analyze the impact on the efficiency of the contract, of the presence of environmentalists and of experts. Then, we obtain some insights on how the problem differs when the degree of ignorance is a choice variable for the firm. We finally use our results to derive policy implications concerning the existing envoronmental regulation, and the potential role of interested parties as information providers.

Environmental protection pressure groups in kerala: a study on their structure, strategy and role with special reference to industrial pollution

The present study focuses attention on the social phenomenon of environmental protection pressure groups in Kerala. A detailed historical background of environmental protection pressure groups at international and national scenes as background for this study .Emphirical studies of environmental protection pressure groups in Kerala with special reference to industrial pollution is dicussed in detail . The main objective of the study is to identify the factors that make pressure groups succeed or fail in achieving their set objectives.The factors include the structure and strategies of social pressure groups and the support they receive from the environment.

Information Guide: Civil Society, Stakeholders, Pressure Groups and Lobbying in the European Union

A guide to information sources on civil society, stakeholders, pressure groups and lobbying in the European Union, with hyperlinks to further sources of information within European Sources Online and on external websites.

Corruption in Kazakhstan and the quality of governance

In Kazakhstan, uncover of numerous corruption scandals involving government officials has become almost a normal feature of life. Behind the high-profile acts of waging a battle against corruption, however, is a serious and systemic phenomenon. The most endemic form of corruption is the various transfers of funds in the state structures and national companies which remain opaque and thus unaccounted for. There are questions about the volumes and spending of revenues earned from natural resources, and there is no independent monitoring and control of the flow of funds in national oil and gas companies. The main actors involved in the shadow economy are state officials and informal pressure groups, who distribute resources among themselves, and accumulate wealth by way of legalising informal incomes or obtaining official business using connections. While important decision making is carried out among the close circles of the elite, formal institutions remain weak and ineffective.

Flypaper effect revisited : evidence for tax collection efficiency in Brazilian municipalities

This paper has two purposes. First, to construct efficiency scores in tax collection for Brazilian municipalities in 2004, taking into consideration two outputs: amount of per capita local tax collected -tax revenue- and the size of local informal economy- tax base. This methodology eliminates the price- effect of tax collection. Second, using the rules established on the Brazilian Constitution in 1988 to transfer unconditional funds among municipalities as instrument, to estimate the relationship between intergovernmental transfers and efficiency in tax collection. We conclude that transfers affect negatively the efficiency in tax collection, leading to a reinterpretation of the flypaper effect.

Interest groups on four continents.

"The ... result of a round-table conference held by the International Political Science Association at the University of Pittsburgh, September 9-13, 1957."

Stakeholder activism, managerial entrenchment, and the congruence of interests between shareholders and stakeholders

We argue that when stakeholder protection is left to the voluntary initiative of managers, concessions to social activists and pressure groups can turn into a self-entrenchment strategy for incumbent CEOs. Stakeholders other than shareholders thus benefit from corporate governance rules putting managers under a tough replacement threat. We show that a minimal amount of formal stakeholder protection, or the introduction of explicit covenants protecting stakeholder rights in the firm charter, may deprive CEOs of the alliance with powerful social activists, thus increasing managerial turnover and shareholder value. These results rationalize a recent trend whereby well-known social activists like Friends of the Earth and active shareholders like CalPERS are showing a growing support for each other's agendas.

Entorns col•laboratius virtuals asíncrons basats en Web i enfocats en la gestió del coneixement = Web-based Asynchronous Collaborative Environments Focused on Knowledge Management

Report for the scientific sojourn at the University of California at Berkeley, USA, from september 2007 until july 2008. Communities of Learning Practice is an innovative paradigm focused on providing appropriate technological support to both formal and especially informal learning groups who are chiefly formed by non-technical people and who lack of the necessary resources to acquire such systems. Typically, students who are often separated by geography and/or time have the need to meet each other after classes in small study groups to carry out specific learning activities assigned during the formal learning process. However, the lack of suitable and available groupware applications makes it difficult for these groups of learners to collaborate and achieve their specific learning goals. In addition, the lack of democratic decision-making mechanisms is a main handicap to substitute the central authority of knowledge presented in formal learning.

Stakeholder Activism, Managerial Entrenchment, and the Congruence of Interests between Shareholders and Stakeholders

We argue that when stakeholder protection is left to the voluntary initiative of managers, concessions to social activists and pressure groups can turn into a self-entrenchment strategy for incumbent CEOs. Stakeholders other than shareholders thus benefit from corporate governance rules putting managers under a tough replacement threat. We show that a minimal amount of formal stakeholder protection, or the introduction of explicit covenants protecting stakeholder rights in the firm charter, may deprive CEOs of the alliance with powerful social activists, thus increasing managerial turnover and shareholder value. These results rationalize a recent trend whereby well-known social activists like Friends of the Earth and active shareholders like CalPERS are showing a growing support for each other s agendas.

A theory of international conflict management and sanctioning

In this paper we analyze sanctioning policies in international law. We develop a model of international military conflict where the conflicting countries can be a target of international sanctions. These sanctions constitute an equilibrium outcome of an international political market for sanctions, where different countries trade political influence. We show that the level of sanctions in equilibrium is strictly positive but limited, in the sense that higher sanctions would exacerbate the military conflict, not reduce it. We then propose an alternative interpretation to the perceived lack of effectiveness of international sanctions, by showing that the problem might not be one of undersanctioning but of oversanctioning.

Gerontocracy, retirement, and social security

Why are the old politically successful? We build a simple interest group model in which political pressure is time-intensive, showing that in the political competitive equilibrium each group lobbies for government policies that lower their own value of time but the old do so to a greater extent and as a result are net gainers from the political process. What distinguishes the elderly from other political groups (and what makes them more succesful) is that they have lower labor productivity and/or that we are all likely to become elderly at some point, while we are relatively unlikely to change gender, race, sexual orientation, or even ocupation, The model has a variety of implications for the design of social security programs, which we test using data from the Social Security Administration. For example, the model predicts that social security programs with retirement incentives are larger and that the old are more "single-minded" in their politics, implications which we verify using cross-country government finance data and cross-country political participation surveys. Finally, we show that the forced savings programs intended to "reform" the social security system may increase the amount of intergenerational redistribution. As a model for evaluating policy reforms, ours has the attractive feature that reforms must be time time consistent from a political point of view rather than a public interest point of view.

Comment le groupe informel agit sur la relation entre le leadership transformationnel et le climat organisationnel

Ce mémoire a pour objet l’influence du groupe informel sur la relation entre le leadership transformationnel et le climat organisationnel. Dans un premier temps, nous examinerons la théorie sur le leadership transformationnel. Le lien entre ce style de leadership et le climat organisationnel est à l’étude, car il semble que ces deux variables sont liés aux perceptions qu’ont les employés de leur vécu en organisation. Les résultats de notre étude confirment effectivement cette première hypothèse. L’objectif central de notre recherche consiste à voir comment le groupe informel agit sur la relation entre le leadership transformationnel et le climat organisationnel. D’abord, nous nous intéresserons sur l’appartenance à un groupe informel comme variable modératrice de la relation entre nos deux autres variables. Par contre, les résultats des analyses présentés n’ont pas réussi à confirmer ce modèle. Ensuite, nous étudierons le groupe informel en tant que variable médiatrice, où le chemin entre le leadership transformationnel et le climat organisationnel serait plutôt indirecte. Nos analyses démontrent que nos trois variables sont corrélées entre-elles, mais qu’en contrôlant pour l’effet du leadership transformationnel, le groupe informel n’est plus lié au climat organisationnel. Nous sommes amenés à proposer que le leadership transformationnel contribue à un contexte organisationnel qui satisfait aux besoins des employés, de sorte que le soutien social fourni par le groupe informel ne comble pas un manque. Ceci viendrait nuancer la dynamique à l’intérieur d’un groupe informel par rapport à ce qu’il apporte à ses membres.

L’intérêt de l’enfant : notion polymorphe susceptible d’instrumentalisation ou de détournement : l’exemple de l’avant-projet de Loi modifiant le Code civil et d’autres dispositions législatives en matière d’adoption et d’autorité parentale

L’intérêt de l’enfant est une notion « polymorphe » dont les tenants et aboutissants sont difficiles à cerner. A priori, nous postulions que son caractère polymorphe en permet l’instrumentalisation, les acteurs sociaux cherchant, par la représentation qu’ils s’en font, à défendre leurs intérêts. Notre mémoire prend d’ailleurs à partie l’exemple de l’avant-projet de Loi modifiant le Code civil et d’autres dispositions législatives en matière d’adoption et d’autorité parentale. Dans notre premier titre, il convenait ainsi de dresser l’historique de l’intérêt de l’enfant en tant que notion variablement évolutive, de sa réception en jurisprudence et dans les lois québécoises portant sur l’adoption, à son incorporation en droit commun, à la suite de l’abrogation du concept de puissance paternelle. Nous en avons également identifié les fondements, au travers du droit anglais, du droit international, des Chartes et du droit naturel. Les éléments de définition du concept étant multiples, nous avons enfin cherché à le conceptualiser, à en dégager les bases légales et à effectuer l’analyse doctrinale et jurisprudentielle de ses critères. Puis, afin de démontrer nos prémisses, nous avons examiné, dans notre seconde partie, les discours de quelques 23 intervenants dans le cadre des consultations menées par la Commission des institutions sur l’avant-projet de loi susdit. En somme, alors que les chercheurs universitaires ont une position ne cherchant pas à insister sur une dimension de l’intérêt de l’enfant convergeant vers leur mission, les propos des ordres professionnels, des groupes de pression et des organismes para-gouvernementaux sont, en revanche, à l’effet contraire.

La mise à l’agenda du « problème » de la sous-représentation des Autochtones dans l’enseignement de l’histoire nationale au Québec, 1960-2010

À partir des années 1960, avec l’apparition d’un « nous » québécois territorialement défini, intellectuels et groupes de pression se mettent à construire le « problème » de la sous-représentation des autochtones dans l’enseignement de l’histoire nationale à l’école au Québec. Nous comparons la place de ce « problème » à l’agenda des concepteurs des deux derniers programmes d’enseignement de l’histoire nationale à l’école secondaire au Québec : Histoire du Québec et du Canada (1982-2008) et Histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté (2007/2008-). Nous montrons que ce « problème » n’a été inscrit avec proéminence qu’à l’agenda des concepteurs du nouveau programme. Comment expliquer cette différence entre l’agenda des concepteurs de ces deux programmes? En se basant sur l’approche des courants multiples développé par John Kingdon, nous montrons qu’à partir des années 1990, tous les éléments étaient réunis pour favoriser la mise à l’agenda de ce « problème » - courant des problèmes, courant des solutions, courant de la politique, entrepreneur politique et fenêtre d’opportunité. Par contraste, nous arguons qu’à la fin des années 1970, un élément manquait : le courant de la politique, et en particulier le « national mood ». Pour rendre ce concept moins a-historique, nous déclinons le « national mood » en trois niveaux hiérarchiques de croyances, selon la typologie de Sabatier et Jenkins-Smith (1993). Nous montrons qu’il y a eu un changement au niveau des croyances les plus fondamentales et inaltérables des élites intellectuelles et politiques québécoises entre la fin des années 1970 et les années 1990 consistant à reconnaître les peuples autochtones.