Cultural capital and social inequality in health

Economic and social resources are known to contribute to the unequal distribution of health outcomes. Culture-related factors such as normative beliefs, knowledge and behaviours have also been shown to be associated with health status. The role and function of cultural resources in the unequal distribution of health is addressed. Drawing on the work of French Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, the concept of cultural capital for its contribution to the current understanding of social inequalities in health is explored. It is suggested that class related cultural resources interact with economic and social capital in the social structuring of people's health chances and choices. It is concluded that cultural capital is a key element in the behavioural transformation of social inequality into health inequality. New directions for empirical research on the interplay between economic, social and cultural capital are outlined.

Intergenerational persistence in health in developing countries : the penalty of gender inequality?

This paper is motivated to investigate the often neglected payoff to investments in the health of girls and women in terms of next generation outcomes. This paper investigates the intergenerational persistence of health across time and region as well as across the distribution of maternal health. It uses comparable microdata on as many as 2.24 million children born of about 0.6 million mothers in 38 developing countries in the 31 year period, 1970–2000. Mother's health is indicated by her height, BMI and anemia status. Child health is indicated by mortality risk and anthropometric failure. We find a positive relationship between maternal and child health across indicators and highlight non-linearities in these relationships. The results suggest that both contemporary and childhood health of the mother matter and that the benefits to the next generation are likely to be persistent. Averaging across the sample, persistence shows a considerable decline over time. Disaggregation shows that the decline is only significant in Latin America. Persistence has remained largely constant in Asia and has risen in Africa. The paper provides the first cross-country estimates of the intergenerational persistence in health and the first estimates of trends.

Gender inequities in health research : an Australian perspective

This chapter presents the current challenges facing legislators, regulators, researchers, and ethics committees in determining how and when to include women appropriately in research, and ensure that sex analysis of research results is routinely performed. It offers five issues that require attention to address these challenges: that national regulatory statements could provide researchers with definitions of the terms ‘sex’ , ‘gender’, and ‘gender equity’ in research; that sex and gender analysis should be built into health research protocols; the lack of internationally comparable data regarding the rates of inclusion of men and women presents a major hurdle for analysing the efficacy of different regulatory strategies; the accessibility of data would be facilitated by a requirement for publication of the results of health research to include descriptions of sex analysis performed on research data; and that institutional review boards, research ethics committees, and researchers themselves require better education about the scientific and ethical importance of including of women in clinical research.

Who Feels Inferior? A Test of the Status Anxiety Hypothesis of Social Inequalities in Health

The empirical association between income inequality, population health and other social problems is now well established and the research literature suggests that the relationship is not artefactual. Debate is still ongoing as to the cause of this association. Wilkinson, Marmot and colleagues have argued for some time that the relationship stems from the psycho-social effects of status comparisons. Here, income inequality is a marker of a wider status hierarchy that provokes an emotional stress response in individuals that is harmful to health and well-being. We label this the ‘status anxiety hypothesis’. If true, this would imply a structured relationship between income inequality at the societal level, individual income rank and anxiety relating to social status. This paper sets out strong and weak forms of the hypothesis and then presents three predictions concerning the structuring of ‘status anxiety’ at the individual level given different levels of national income inequality and varying individual income. We then test these predictions using data from a cross-national survey of over 34,000 individuals carried out in 2007 in 31 European countries. Respondents from low inequality countries reported less status anxiety than those in higher inequality countries at all points on the income rank curve. This is an important precondition of support for the status anxiety hypothesis and may be seen as providing support for the weaker version of the hypothesis. However, we do not find evidence to support the stronger version of the hypothesis which requires the negative effect of income rank on status anxiety to be exacerbated by increasing income inequality.

Drivers of inequality in disability-free expectancy at birth and age 85 across space and time in Great Britain

Background: Although mortality and health inequalities at birth have increased both geographically and in socioeconomic terms, little is known about inequalities at age 85, the fastest growing sector of the population in Great Britain (GB).

Aim: To determine whether trends and drivers of inequalities in life expectancy (LE) and disability-free life expectancy (DFLE) at age 85 between 1991 and 2001 are the same as those at birth.

Methods: DFLE at birth and age 85 for 1991 and 2001 by gender were calculated for each local authority in GB using the Sullivan method. Regression modelling was used to identify area characteristics (rurality, deprivation, social class composition, ethnicity, unemployment, retirement migration) that could explain inequalities in LE and DFLE.

Results: Similar to values at birth, LE and DFLE at age 85 both increased between 1991 and 2001 (though DFLE increased less than LE) and gaps across local areas widened (and more for DFLE than LE). The significantly greater increases in LE and DFLE at birth for less-deprived compared with more-deprived areas were still partly present at age 85. Considering all factors, inequalities in DFLE at birth were largely driven by social class composition and unemployment rate, but these associations appear to be less influential at age 85.

Conclusions: Inequalities between areas in LE and DFLE at birth and age 85 have increased over time though factors explaining inequalities at birth (mainly social class and unemployment rates) appear less important for inequalities at age 85.

Considering daily mobility in contextual studies of social inequalities in health : conceptual and empirical insights

Les études sur les milieux de vie et la santé ont traditionnellement porté sur le seul quartier de résidence. Des critiques ont été émises à cet égard, soulignant le fait que la mobilité quotidienne des individus n’était pas prise en compte et que l’accent mis sur le quartier de résidence se faisait au détriment d’autres milieux de vie où les individus passent du temps, c’est-à-dire leur espace d’activité. Bien que la mobilité quotidienne fasse l’objet d’un intérêt croissant en santé publique, peu d’études se sont intéressé aux inégalités sociales de santé. Ceci, même en dépit du fait que différents groupes sociaux n’ont pas nécessairement la même capacité à accéder à des milieux favorables pour la santé. Le lien entre les inégalités en matière de mobilité et les inégalités sociales de santé mérite d’être exploré. Dans cette thèse, je développe d'abord une proposition conceptuelle qui ancre la mobilité quotidienne dans le concept de potentiel de mobilité. Le potentiel de mobilité englobe les opportunités et les lieux que les individus peuvent choisir d’accéder en convertissant leur potentiel en mobilité réalisée. Le potentiel de mobilité est façonné par des caractéristiques individuelles (ex. le revenu) et géographiques (ex. la proximité des transports en commun), ainsi que par des règles régissant l’accès à certaines ressources et à certains lieux (ex. le droit). Ces caractéristiques et règles sont inégalement distribuées entre les groupes sociaux. Des inégalités sociales en matière de mobilité réalisée peuvent donc en découler, autant en termes de l'ampleur de la mobilité spatiale que des expositions contextuelles rencontrées dans l'espace d'activité. Je discute de différents processus par lesquels les inégalités en matière de mobilité réalisée peuvent mener à des inégalités sociales de santé. Par exemple, les groupes défavorisés sont plus susceptibles de vivre et de mener des activités dans des milieux défavorisés, comparativement à leurs homologues plus riches, ce qui pourrait contribuer aux différences de santé entre ces groupes. Cette proposition conceptuelle est mise à l’épreuve dans deux études empiriques. Les données de la première vague de collecte de l’étude Interdisciplinaire sur les inégalités sociales de santé (ISIS) menée à Montréal, Canada (2011-2012) ont été analysées. Dans cette étude, 2 093 jeunes adultes (18-25 ans) ont rempli un questionnaire et fourni des informations socio-démographiques, sur leur consommation de tabac et sur leurs lieux d’activités. Leur statut socio-économique a été opérationnalisé à l’aide de leur plus haut niveau d'éducation atteint. Les lieux de résidence et d'activité ont servi à créer des zones tampons de 500 mètres à partir du réseau routier. Des mesures de défavorisation et de disponibilité des détaillants de produits du tabac ont été agrégées au sein des ces zones tampons. Dans une première étude empirique je compare l'exposition à la défavorisation dans le quartier résidentiel et celle dans l'espace d’activité non-résidentiel entre les plus et les moins éduqués. J’identifie également des variables individuelles et du quartier de résidence associées au niveau de défavorisation mesuré dans l’espace d’activité. Les résultats démontrent qu’il y a un gradient social dans l’exposition à la défavorisation résidentielle et dans l’espace d’activité : elle augmente à mesure que le niveau d’éducation diminue. Chez les moins éduqués les écarts dans l’exposition à la défavorisation sont plus marquées dans l’espace d’activité que dans le quartier de résidence, alors que chez les moyennement éduqués, elle diminuent. Un niveau inférieur d'éducation, l'âge croissant, le fait d’être ni aux études, ni à l’emploi, ainsi que la défavorisation résidentielle sont positivement corrélés à la défavorisation dans l’espace d’activité. Dans la seconde étude empirique j'étudie l'association entre le tabagisme et deux expositions contextuelles (la défavorisation et la disponibilité de détaillants de tabac) mesurées dans le quartier de résidence et dans l’espace d’activité non-résidentiel. J'évalue si les inégalités sociales dans ces expositions contribuent à expliquer les inégalités sociales dans le tabagisme. J’observe que les jeunes dont les activités quotidiennes ont lieu dans des milieux défavorisés sont plus susceptibles de fumer. La présence de détaillants de tabac dans le quartier de résidence et dans l’espace d’activité est aussi associée à la probabilité de fumer, alors que le fait de vivre dans un quartier caractérisé par une forte défavorisation protège du tabagisme. En revanche, aucune des variables contextuelles n’affectent de manière significative l’association entre le niveau d’éducation et le tabagisme. Les résultats de cette thèse soulignent l’importance de considérer non seulement le quartier de résidence, mais aussi les lieux où les gens mènent leurs activités quotidiennes, pour comprendre le lien entre le contexte et les inégalités sociales de santé. En discussion, j’élabore sur l’idée de reconnaître la mobilité quotidienne comme facteur de différenciation sociale chez les jeunes adultes. En outre, je conclus que l’identification de facteurs favorisant ou contraignant la mobilité quotidienne des individus est nécessaire afin: 1 ) d’acquérir une meilleure compréhension de la façon dont les inégalités sociales en matière de mobilité (potentielle et réalisée) surviennent et influencent la santé et 2) d’identifier des cibles d’intervention en santé publique visant à créer des environnements sains et équitables.

Narrowing socioeconomic inequality in child stunting: the Brazilian experience, 1974-2007

Objective To assess trends in the prevalence and social distribution of child stunting in Brazil to evaluate the effect of income and basic service redistribution policies implemented in that country in the recent past. Methods The prevalence of stunting (height-for-age z score below 2 using the Child Growth Standards of the World Health Organization) among children aged less than 5 years was estimated from data collected during national household surveys carried out in Brazil in 1974-75 (n = 34 409), 1989 (n = 7374), 1996 (n = 4149) and 2006-07 (n = 4414). Absolute and relative socioeconomic inequality in stunting was measured by means of the slope index and the concentration index of inequality, respectively. Findings Over a 33-year period, we documented a steady decline in the national prevalence of stunting from 37.1% to 7.1%. Prevalence dropped from 59.0% to 11.2% in the poorest quintile and from 12.1% to 3.3% among the wealthiest quintile. The decline was particularly steep in the last 10 years of the period (1996 to 2007), when the gaps between poor and wealthy families with children under 5 were also reduced in terms of purchasing power; access to education, health care and water and sanitation services; and reproductive health indicators. Conclusion In Brazil, socioeconomic development coupled with equity-oriented public policies have been accompanied by marked improvements in living conditions and a substantial decline in child undernutrition, as well as a reduction of the gap in nutritional status between children in the highest and lowest socioeconomic quintiles. Future studies will show whether these gains will be maintained under the current global economic crisis.

Spatial Inequality in Chile

Despite success in reducing poverty over the last twenty years, inequality in Chile has remained virtually unchanged, making Chile one of the least equal countries in the world. High levels of inequality have been shown to hamper further reductions in poverty as well as economic growth and local inequality has been shown to affect such outcomes as violence and health. The study of inequality at the local level is thus crucial for understanding the economic well-being of a country. Local measures of inequality have been difficult to obtain, but recent theoretical advances have enabled the combination of survey and census data to obtain estimators of inequality that are robust at disaggregated geographic levels. In this paper, we employ this methodology to produce consistent estimators of inequality for every county in Chile. We find a great deal of variation in inequality, with county-level Gini coefficients ranging from 0.41 to 0.63.

Growth, Poverty and Inequality in the Caribbean

.--Director’s Desk: Growth, Poverty and Inequality in the Caribbean.--Non-Comunicable Diseases: A Growing Epidemic.--Policies and Programmes for an Ageing Population.--Sexual and Reproductive Health and HIV in the Caribbean.--International Migration and Development: Challenges and Opportunites.--Gender Based Violence

Inclusive social development: The next generation of policies for overcoming poverty and reducing inequality in Latin America and the Caribbean

Foreword by Alicia Bárcena

Cause-specific mortality and income inequality in Sao Paulo, Brazil

OBJECTIVE: To analyze cause-specifi c mortality rates according to the relative income hypothesis. METHODS: All 96 administrative areas of the city of Sao Paulo, southeastern Brazil, were divided into two groups based on the Gini coefficient of income inequality: high (>= 0.25) and low (<0.25). The propensity score matching method was applied to control for confounders associated with socioeconomic differences among areas. RESULTS: The difference between high and low income inequality areas was statistically significant for homicide (8.57 per 10,000; 95% CI: 2.60; 14.53); ischemic heart disease (5.47 per 10,000 [95% CI 0.76; 10.17]); HIV/AIDS (3.58 per 10,000 [95% CI 0.58; 6.57]); and respiratory diseases (3.56 per 10,000 [95% CI 0.18; 6.94]). The ten most common causes of death accounted for 72.30% of the mortality difference. Infant mortality also had signifi cantly higher age-adjusted rates in high inequality areas (2.80 per 10,000 [95% CI 0.86; 4.74]), as well as among males (27.37 per 10,000 [95% CI 6.19; 48.55]) and females (15.07 per 10,000 [95% CI 3.65; 26.48]). CONCLUSIONS: The study results support the relative income hypothesis. After propensity score matching cause-specifi c mortality rates was higher in more unequal areas. Studies on income inequality in smaller areas should take proper accounting of heterogeneity of social and demographic characteristics.

Cause-specific mortality and income inequality in São Paulo, Brazil

OBJECTIVE: To analyze cause-specific mortality rates according to the relative income hypothesis. METHODS: All 96 administrative areas of the city of São Paulo, southeastern Brazil, were divided into two groups based on the Gini coefficient of income inequality: high (>0.25) and low (<0.25). The propensity score matching method was applied to control for confounders associated with socioeconomic differences among areas. RESULTS: The difference between high and low income inequality areas was statistically significant for homicide (8.57 per 10,000; 95%CI: 2.60;14.53); ischemic heart disease (5.47 per 10,000 [95%CI 0.76;10.17]); HIV/AIDS (3.58 per 10,000 [95%CI 0.58;6.57]); and respiratory diseases (3.56 per 10,000 [95%CI 0.18;6.94]). The ten most common causes of death accounted for 72.30% of the mortality difference. Infant mortality also had significantly higher age-adjusted rates in high inequality areas (2.80 per 10,000 [95%CI 0.86;4.74]), as well as among males (27.37 per 10,000 [95%CI 6.19;48.55]) and females (15.07 per 10,000 [95%CI 3.65;26.48]). CONCLUSIONS: The study results support the relative income hypothesis. After propensity score matching cause-specific mortality rates was higher in more unequal areas. Studies on income inequality in smaller areas should take proper accounting of heterogeneity of social and demographic characteristics.

Social and regional variations in health status and health behaviours among Swiss young adults

OBJECTIVE To provide nationwide data on health status and health behaviours among young adults in Switzerland, and to illustrate social and regional variations. METHODS Data came from the Swiss Federal Surveys of Adolescents, conducted in 2010/11. The sample consisted of 32,424 young men and 1,467 young women. We used logistic regression models to examine patterns of social inequality for three measures of health status and three measures of health behaviour. RESULTS Among men, lower self-rated health, overweight and lower physical fitness levels were associated with lower educational and fewer financial resources. Patterns were similar among young women. Unfavourable self-rated health (odds ratio [OR]: men 0.83, women 0.75) and overweight (OR: men 0.84, women 0.85; p >0.05) were less common in the French- than in the German-language region. Low physical fitness was more common in the French- than in the German-language region. In both sexes, daily smoking was associated with fewer educational resources, and physical inactivity was associated with lower educational and fewer financial resources. Males from the Italian-language region were three times more likely to be physically inactive than their German-speaking counterparts (OR 2.95). Risk drinking was more widespread among males in the French- than in the German-speaking language region (OR 1.47). CONCLUSIONS Striking social and moderate regional differences exist in health status and health behaviours among young Swiss males and females. The current findings offer new empirical evidence on social determinants of health in Switzerland and suggest education, material resources and regional conditions to be addressed in public health practice and in more focused future research.

Cultural capital and smoking in young adults: applying new indicators to explore social inequalities in health behaviour.

BACKGROUND Associations between social status and health behaviours are well documented, but the mechanisms involved are less understood. Cultural capital theory may contribute to a better understanding by expanding the scope of inequality indicators to include individuals' knowledge, skills, beliefs and material goods to examine how these indicators impact individuals' health lifestyles. We explore the structure and applicability of a set of cultural capital indicators in the empirical exploration of smoking behaviour among young male adults. METHODS We analysed data from the Swiss Federal Survey of Adolescents (CH-X) 2010-11 panel of young Swiss males (n = 10 736). A set of nine theoretically relevant variables (including incorporated, institutionalized and objectified cultural capital) were investigated using exploratory factor analysis. Regression models were run to observe the association between factor scores and smoking outcomes. Outcome measures consisted of daily smoking status and the number of cigarettes smoked by daily smokers. RESULTS Cultural capital indicators aggregated in a three-factor solution representing 'health values', 'education and knowledge' and 'family resources'. Each factor score predicted the smoking outcomes. In young males, scoring low on health values, education and knowledge and family resources was associated with a higher risk of being a daily smoker and of smoking more cigarettes daily. CONCLUSION Cultural capital measures that include, but go beyond, educational attainment can improve prediction models of smoking in young male adults. New measures of cultural capital may thus contribute to our understanding of the social status-based resources that individuals can use towards health behaviours.